IV Kongres Zagranicznych Badaczy Dziejów Polski

The 4th Congress of International Researchers of Polish History


Joanna Nalewajko-Kulikov

The semiannual Acta Poloniae Historica (APH), published by the Tadeusz Manteuffel Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences, ranks among the leading Polish historical periodicals in international circulation. Founded by the outstanding Polish historian Marian Małowist (1909–1988), APH has been published since 1958 in languages such as German, French and English (in the last 30 years, English has become the main language of the journal). APH deals with problems and issues reflecting the most recent research findings and the output of Polish historians covering the historic periods spanning from the Middle Ages till the present; it also offers a representation of the most important trends of world historiography in Polish and, more broadly, Central European historiography. For more than twenty years now, the journal has been featured with the Master List of Philadelphia (without the impact factor [IF]) and with the ERIH (INT-1) list. The contents of each issue are available in open access.

Igor Kąkolewski

The Centre for Historical Research of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Berlin (Polish: Centrum Badań Historycznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk w Berlinie, abbreviated: CBH PAN; German: Zentrum für Historische Forschung Berlin der Polnischen Akademie der Wissenschaften) is a research institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences (PAN) based in Berlin, Germany. Established in 2006, it is one of six units of the PAN outside of Poland, along with centres in Brussels, Kyiv, Paris, Rome and Vienna. The CBH PAN is a centre for research on Polish–German relations in the context of European history and culture. It carries out scientific, educational and cultural projects, intended both for experts and the general public, either independently or in collaboration with international partners. It disseminates the results of these projects through articles and books, conferences, seminars, exhibitions and online. The CBH PAN emphasises an interdisciplinary approach to the humanities and social sciences, such as history, art history, cultural studies, museology, political science, sociology, and cultural anthropology. It promotes rapprochement between Poles and Germans through scientific diplomacy.

Rafał Rogulski

The European Network Remembrance and Solidarity is an international endeavour promoting the research, documentation and dissemination of knowledge on the European history of the twentieth century and the ways of commemorating it. The particular focus of the Network is on periods rife with dictatorships, wars and popular resistance against tyranny. The members of the Network are: Germany, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Hungary, while representatives from Albania, Austria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia and Georgia sit on its advisory boards. www.enrs.eu

Włodzimierz Bolecki

Established in 1991, the Foundation for Polish Science is an independent and self-funding non-profit and non-governmental organisation with a mission to support scientific research. The Foundation is Poland’s largest non-governmental source of science funding. The statutory goals of the Foundation include supporting outstanding scientists and research teams and promoting the transfer of scientific achievements to economic practice. The Foundation pursues these goals by awarding individual prizes and scholarships to scientists, granting subsidies for the implementation of scientific achievements in economic practice and providing other forms of support to vital undertakings for the development of science (e.g. publishing programmes, conferences, etc.). The Foundation is also committed to supporting international scientific cooperation and promoting the scientific independence of young scholars. www.fnp.org.pl

Maja Kiedrowska

Founded in 1984, the GFPS-Poland Scientific and Cultural Association in Central and Eastern Europe is a cross-border social organisation fostering cooperation between the countries of Central and Eastern Europe through partner organisations and informal initiatives in Poland, the Czech Republic, Germany, Belarus and Ukraine. The association was established in the 1980s on the initiative of a student who wanted to create opportunities for closer cross-political cooperation between students from Poland and West Germany. The vision of the GFPS is to promote an open Europe in which cultural and linguistic diversity is seen as an opportunity and valuable legacy. We believe that European countries can understand each other only through mutual attentiveness and curiosity. The aim of the GFPS is to support science, individual and collective research projects, as well as student and research exchanges and cooperation between Poland and Germany and other Central and Eastern European countries. The Association’s focus is on the Polish-German-Ukrainian scholarship programme to enable direct transcultural exchange. By organising international conferences, scientific seminars, summer exchanges and language courses, the Association also fosters the mutual discovery of people, languages, countries and cultures, as well as liaison building and cultural exchange between different societies.

Heidi Hein-Kircher

The Herder Institute is an internationally renowned centre for research on Eastern Central Europe. It is an institution of scientific infrastructure with globally unique collections. The Institute supports a wide range of scientific activities on the historical and cultural development of East Central Europe through its research, knowledge transfer, documentation and digitisation departments. The focus of interest is on Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, as well as the Russian exclave of Kaliningrad. An important concern is the joint exploration of the interrelation of this core region with its neighbours in a comparative pan-European context. For several years now, the Digital Humanities have been a major focus of the institute’s work, both in the area of digital and social infrastructure development as well as in research and career development. The unique collections consist of a research library on the history and culture of East Central Europe, which now contains more than half a million media units, including a music collection, a samizdat collection and a press collection. In addition, the Institute also has one of the best image archives with image carriers of all kinds, especially on the art and cultural history of East Central Europe (currently about 700,000 units), a map collection with about 45,000 map sheets, about 1,200 old maps and slightly more than 6,300 aerial photographs from the years between 1942 and 1945. Finally, the document collection focuses on the history of the Baltic States and continuously collects estates, family archives, individual archival documents, as well as photographed archival records (about 1,300 running metres of shelving). The materials held in stock are the starting point for our research, close cooperation with the two universities in Giessen and Marburg in research and teaching and close networking with numerous other Leibniz institutions (Leibniz Research Associations). Website: https://www.herder-institut.de/en/welcome/

Ewa Babiarz, Iwona Drąg-Korga

Established in New York on 4th July 1943, the Piłsudski Institute of America is a non-profit organisation devoted to promoting science and collecting, safe-keeping and preserving documents. The Institute was founded by eminent Americans of Polish descent and close associates of Marshal Piłsudski who sought refuge in the United States during World War II. The Piłsudski Institute continues the tradition of the Institute for Research in Modern History of Poland, founded in Warsaw in 1923. From the very beginning, the Institute has been involved in the preservation of Polish national heritage in the United States, collecting documents and safe-keeping of both the archives and library, museum and art gallery collections. Currently, the Institute’s holdings comprise over one million documents and twenty thousand books; they also include collections of photographs, newspapers, maps, stamps and over 250 paintings by Polish artists such as Matejko, Gierymski, Wyspiański, Wyczółkowski and Czermański. The mission of the Institute is to catalogue documents and make them available to the public. This includes a digitisation project that has been ongoing for many years now. The Institute’s archives are open to researchers and history enthusiasts from all over the world. Each year, for the shared benefit of Polish and American communities, the Institute organises events to popularise Polish history and culture. An important part of the Institute’s activities is to educate the younger generation through history lessons for Polish supplementary school students and New York City public school students attending a Polish-English bilingual programme. The Institute’s Board of Directors also awards prizes to outstanding representatives of science, history, art and business. The Institute plays a prominent role in researching Poland’s recent history and promoting Poland abroad.

Ruth Leiserowitz

Founded in 1993, the Warsaw-based German Historical Institute is an independent research institution. Since 2002, it has been a part of the Max Weber Foundation – International Humanities. Its mission is to investigate the history of Poland within a European and international context throughout different historical epochs. In addition, the Institute promotes dialogue among historians at national and international levels. In particular, it aims to impart information about German historical research and present its findings in Poland, while providing the same service with respect to Polish historical research in Germany. The Institute is also committed to supporting the next generation of scholars in the field of historical research in Poland and East-Central Europe.

Hubert Chudzio

The Pedagogical University Centre for the Documentation of Deportations, Expulsions and Resettlements was founded in 2011. The Centre comprises a research unit, museum, archive and library. The aim of the Centre is to preserve the memory of the inhabitants of the Republic of Poland (within its current and historic borders) who were subject to forced migration. Accordingly, the Centre for the Documentation of Deportations, Expulsions and Resettlements carries out multiple scientific projects to record testimonies from witnesses to history, as well as to collect, catalogue and preserve other source materials. To date, in addition to its domestic activities, the Centre has carried out research in the UK (on several occasions), USA, Canada, Australia, South Africa, Israel and Kazakhstan. This activity has brought a collection of more than 1,000 testimonies (audio and video accounts) from witnesses to history: Polish citizens (past and present) subject to forced migration; it has also produced thousands of documents, photographs and artefacts. The collected materials depict the history of Poland and the Polish community in exile. The outcomes of the Centre’s activity have been disseminated through scientific publications, documentaries, educational activities and exhibitions (e.g. in Paris, Kampala and Dar es Salaam). The Centre is committed to documenting and renovating Polish cemeteries in East and Southern Africa, which are the traces of the settlements established by the Polish refugees from the Soviet Union during World War II. Recently, the Pedagogical University Centre for the Documentation of Deportations, Expulsions and Resettlements has been presented with the Honorary Diploma of the Józef Dietl Award (2021), the Distinction and Medal awarded by the Chapter of the Zygmunt Gloger Prize and Medal (2022) and the Award of the Polish Minister of Education and Science for significant scientific achievements (2021).

Agata Wąsowska-Pawlik

The International Cultural Centre (ICC) in Kraków is a national institution of culture, operating since 1991 at 25 Main Market Square, specialising in issues of culture and heritage of Central Europe. The ICC: – concentrates on issues of broadly understood cultural heritage in an active dialogue with Poland’s neighbours and the world; – pursues the mission of public diplomacy by developing Poland’s position as an important actor within the international community (UNESCO, V4, the Barcelona Process, the Berlin Process), and as a significant partner for cultural and intellectual cooperation; – refers to history, the history of art and architecture, memory, cultural heritage protection, as well as all aspects of its management; – combines interdisciplinary research projects with more popular endeavours that introduce the Polish audience (exhibitions, publications, meetings, workshops, educational programmes) to the history, culture and art of the twentieth century, with a special focus on Central Europe; – is a pioneer of the modern approach to culture and heritage, particularly in the context of culture and heritage management and their use for contemporary society; – organises the scholarship programme of the Polish Ministry of Culture, National Heritage Thesaurus Poloniae, addressed to international scholars conducting research on the culture, history and multicultural heritage of the Republic of Poland and Central Europe; – acts as the publisher of a Polish-English quarterly Herito, dedicated to cultural heritage, – present and future. More information available on a website (https://mck.krakow.pl/), on Facebook (https://www.facebook.com/mckkrakow/) and Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/mckkrakow/)

Krystyna Bartol, Malwina Gębalska,

Set up in 2011 to support basic research in Poland, the National Science Centre (Narodowe Centrum Nauki, or the NCN) is a government agency, supervised by the Polish Ministry of Education and Science. The NCN funds projects in Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences, Life Sciences and Physical Sciences and Engineering. The NCN has funding schemes dedicated to researchers at different stages of their career.

Łukasz Wołosz

The DAAD German Academic Exchange Service is one of the world’s largest funding organisations for the international exchange of students and researchers. It was founded in 1925 in Heidelberg. Since then, the DAAD has supported approximately 2 million students and researchers in Germany and abroad. The German Academic Exchange Service is a joint organisation of German universities and student bodies. The DAAD supports the internationalisation of German universities, promotes German Studies and the German language abroad, assists developing countries in establishing effective universities and advises decision makers on matters of scientific, education and development policies. That being said, the DAAD’s core activity is to provide scholarships to outstanding students and researchers. Successful in the here and now, the German Academic Exchange Service has also set itself ambitious goals for the future: supporting lifelong learning, educating and inspiring professionals and managers to act responsibly and creating sustainable networks for global cooperation. The DAAD has Representative Offices around the world. One such office is located in Warsaw, Poland (established in 1997). The Warsaw office is the main point of contact for Polish students and researchers who plan to study in Germany or would like to carry out a research project in Germany.

Paulina Kubylis

The Polish-U.S. Fulbright Commission is an educational foundation that administers the Fulbright Programme in Poland. The Fulbright Programme is the U.S. government’s flagship international educational exchange programme. The programme is considered to be one of the most widely recognised and prestigious scholarships in the world, and its reputation transcends the world of academia. Present in 160 countries, the Fulbright Programme has awarded scholarships to over 380 thousand individuals (2021 data). The Fulbright Programme in Poland has two dimensions. The first one is purely practical: we finance the study visits of Polish students, researchers and academic teachers to the U.S. and support their promising projects. The other one is ideological: we believe that the exchange of knowledge and skills serves an even greater purpose than the advancement of learning. According to the vision of the initiator of the Programme, the American Senator J. William Fulbright, it is a tool for building dialogue and peaceful relations between nations. By bringing together the academic circles of different countries, we bring together whole societies. Since the programme works in two directions, U.S. researchers and experts have the opportunity to study or teach in Poland. As a result, many Polish academic and educational institutions, as well as non-governmental organisations, have the chance to invite specialists and lecturers from the U.S. to work with them on their projects. We believe that international exchange allows one to grasp the perspective of other nations, see the world through their eyes, understand their cultures and even verify one’s own beliefs or preconceptions. In this presentation, we will focus on the Fulbright offer for Polish institutions that wish to cooperate with American students, researchers, academic teachers and specialists in the humanities. We will also present information on Fulbright scholarship opportunities.

Jan Rydel

Established in 2008, the German-Polish Foundation for Science was created by Poland, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Federal State of Brandenburg. The Foundation’s aim is to support scientific research carried out jointly by scholars and students from Poland and Germany, as well as by individuals from third countries. In addition, the Foundation assists in the development of new German-Polish structures for scientific research and university teaching. The Foundation grants support to research projects in the humanities, social sciences, economics and law. The Foundation awards scholarships through three types of grant competitions: “main competitions,” in which grants of up to €80,000 can be requested, and “simplified competitions,” in which support of up to €10,000 can be provided. Since 2021, the Foundation has been organising biannual “special competitions” (with grants of up to €300,000), the subject matter of which is determined each time by the Foundation’s governing bodies. To date, the Polish-German Foundation for Science has funded around 450 projects totalling €11.5 million.

Piotr Szlanta

Founded in 1986, the Scientific Centre of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Vienna disseminates the achievements of Polish sciences in Austria and initiates and fosters Polish-Austrian scientific cooperation projects. The Centre has an interdisciplinary profile. However, history has been at the core of its activity for years. Staff at the Scientific Centre of the Polish Academy of Sciences conduct research in line with the institution’s profile. The activities of the Centre include organising international conferences, symposia, panel discussions, lectures and exhibitions on a wide range of topics. The Centre is also active in publishing: it publishes its yearbook and scientific monographs such as conference proceedings. In addition, the Centre cooperates with multiple Austrian and international academic institutions, e.g. the University of Vienna, the Austrian Academy of Sciences, the Vienna Museum of Military History, the Institute for Human Sciences in Vienna or the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe. The Centre has a conference venue and guest rooms, which are available to scientists coming to Vienna for their study or library visits.

Leonid Chekin

First Secretary Gierek, President Carter and the President’s Polish Interpreter: An Analysis of an Embarrassing Cultural Encounter Based on New Archival Evidence

At the welcoming ceremony for President Carter at Warsaw’s Okęcie Airport on 29th December 1977, the President’s Polish interpreter, Steven Seymour, allegedly made several terrible mistakes. American journalists who did not know Polish learned about these errors from hearsay and supplied their readers with a variety of outrageous versions. These have survived until the present day and have been taken for granted by historians of Carter’s presidency. Generations of professional interpreters forged this episode into a cautionary tale, sometimes embellishing it with their own bias and Schadenfreude. I was recently able to request an archival audiotape and a separate silent videotape of the whole episode from the Jimmy Carter Presidential Library. The video shows Seymour sight translating from the text of Carter’s speech, clutching the paper with both hands, and not taking any notes. Still, the audiotape demonstrates that despite occasional Russianisms and some distortions of meaning, Seymour’s interpretation was not entirely outside the range of acceptable for diplomatic settings. The exaggerated criticism that ensued can be explained by a confluence of reasons. First, opposition to the Polish-Soviet alliance had grown by the end of the decade and possibly resulted in low tolerance in Poland for perceived Russianisms. Second, the U.S. press had a field day with what they thought were erotic overtones in Seymour’s interpretation, overtones especially embarrassing for the Southern Baptist President who just the year before had given a controversial interview to Playboy magazine. Third, Seymour’s improvised sight translation compares unfavourably to the solemn confident voice of his Polish colleague, who read the prepared English translation of the statement by PZPR First Secretary Edward Gierek. Overall, the episode is a good testimony to the role of a diplomatic interpreter, i.e. achieving a fleeting moment of fame only when he or she commits an actual or imagined error.

Jiri Kubes

Imperial Ambassadors to Poland-Lithuania and Their People: Between the Royal Court and Aristocratic Courts in the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century

This paper will be based on research into the missions of imperial ambassadors to Poland-Lithuania in the second half of the seventeenth century. The legations of Count Kollowrat (1658–60), Schaffgotsch (1669, 70, 74), Thun (1691), Nostitz (1693) and Czernin (1695) will be compared. The sources show that when appointed ambassadors, the counts significantly transformed their courts. They all had the title of count and were surrounded by a court appropriate to their social status. However, they had to adapt to the fact that they represented the emperor at the highest level and their court had to look “as if” the emperor himself was travelling. Therefore, they had to make sure that they lived like the emperor (they had to have an audience room in the suite) and also that the composition of their servants was similar to that of the emperor’s. As a result, their court underwent a significant transformation. The core consisted of the servants looking after the lord and his family. However, the ambassadors were obliged to take the personnel that the emperor assigned to them for the mission (a legation secretary, legation chaplain). In addition, they also had to create parts of the court typical only of the monarch, so that, for example, they had to be accompanied by a guard, which was certainly not as large as the monarch’s. The ambassador’s court thus became a kind of quasi-ruler’s court, and the early modern nobles thus capitalised on their experience of the ruler’s court and for a limited period of time could themselves “play” the ruler. For the duration of their mission, they became protégés, entitled to honours intended for the monarch, and gained experiences that were not typical of their daily lives. However, they could only experience this where the emperor sent ambassadors (to Venice, Spain, Poland-Lithuania or the Pope) because in most countries the emperor was represented only by envoys, i.e. diplomats of the second order.

Jan Kok

The Intellectual Roots of Life Cycle Studies and the Practical Use of This Paradigm in Current Historical Demographic Studies

Florian Znaniecki and William Thomas have become famous as pioneers in the use of life histories in social studies. Their ground-breaking work The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (1918–1920) made extensive use of personal letters and they even commissioned an autobiography of a Polish migrant. These life stories allowed them to understand the importance of specific background factors and (family and community) ties in migration and integration in America. The study of standardised biographies is often labelled the life course approach, and Znaniecki and Thomas are often seen as the founding fathers of this influential heuristic tool. In my talk, I will explore how The Polish Peasant… led to the emergence of the life course approach in social sciences and I will reflect on how this approach has contributed to social and demographic history.

Esther Griffin – van Orsouw

Marie Casimire de La Grange d’Arquien (1641–1716): Networks of Architectural Patronage and Collecting

PALAMUSTO is a network of leading European universities and heritage institutions that investigates the palace as a phenomenon of cultural exchange. It supports ten doctoral candidates with their research on different aspects of the palace. Data from their research is combined using GIS, which is expected to generate new questions for a better understanding of the court residence. After an introduction into the digital methods of PALAMUSTO, I will highlight my individual research as part of this project and discuss one of my case studies: Countess Ludwika Zamoyska-Poniatowska (1728–1804), along with her only child, Urszula Mniszech-Zamoyska (1750–1816), who were prominent figures at the court of their brother and uncle, King Stanisław II August. Although their influence on the court life and politics of their time has been recognised, little research has been conducted on their architectural endeavours. The object of investigation is the no longer extant Zamoyski Palace on Krakowskie Przedmieście street in Warsaw, the modernisation of which was directed by Urszula Mniszech, on behalf of her mother, in the late eighteenth century. A set of drawings prepared for this rebuilding, presently in the collection of the National Museum in Warsaw, along with the palace inventory, will be the focus of the study. The facade designs will be examined, pointing out the need to showcase their public role and secure their status in society, as part of a royal family in times of political upheaval. The distribution and functions of the rooms of the residence will receive close attention, to see how this “female” seat was to shape the life of Ludwika in a time of increased demand for separate public and private spheres. The interior decoration will provide some clues as to the influence of European tastes and personal preferences. Finally, I will show how this individual case study contributes to the ongoing investigation of cultural interaction and identity building via architecture and objects.

Paweł Ukielski

Participatory Public in the Warsaw Rising Museum

In the presentation, I analyse the role of the public in the Warsaw Rising Museum. The role of an inclusive and participatory institution which was adopted in the museum is presented. Analysis involves the role of the public in the creation process, exhibition as a means of communication and participatory practices implemented in the functioning of the institution. The phenomenon of the Warsaw Rising Museum is a factor that changed the concept of what a museum is in Poland, as well as the public’s expectations towards it. It initiated a “boom” in Polish museology, and this is also analysed. The shift from the visitor-observer to the visitor-participant is key to those changes.

Iryna Matiash

Diplomatic Archives as a Cultural Phenomenon: The Polish Segment in the Ukrainian Archives

The concept of diplomatic Ukraine appeared at the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 18th April 1961. According to this act in international practice it is understood as a set of documented information generated from the activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its foreign missions. At the same time, this information is a unique source of the institutional history of diplomacy and international relations and is a cultural phenomenon that requires comprehensive research at global and national levels. The diplomatic archive can be considered a collection of documents of official origin, formed in the activities of the main body in the system of central executive bodies, for the formation and implementation of state policy. Diplomatic service (foreign diplomatic missions, consular posts, permanent missions to international organisations), as well as other state bodies involved in the formation and implementation of state policy in the field of foreign relations and documents, as well as personal documents of diplomatic and consular officers, wives of (men) diplomats who represented Ukraine at different times in foreign countries and foreign representatives who worked in Ukraine. The Polish segment in the Diplomatic Archives of Ukraine is quite powerful. However, it is not sufficiently studied. We see an important role in its implementation in the cooperation of Polish and Ukrainian archival institutions, the creation of a common database of electronic images of documents available to users of different countries. Solving organisational (negotiations, signing agreements) and practical issues on digitisation of archival documents and the formation of a virtual archive and making it available to researchers will safeguard the continuity of work among scientists and students from different countries interested in the history of diplomacy, international relations and Ukrainian-Polish diplomatic contacts.

Elisabeth Haid-Lener

Managing Diversity at the Local Level. The Implementation of National Personal Autonomy in Kolomyja’s/Kolomyia’s City Council in 1917/18

The concept of national personal autonomy was used in the late Habsburg Monarchy as an instrument for resolving national conflicts and was applied in several regional compromises. The Galician Compromise of 1914, for example, included elements of national personal autonomy. But also some new nation states in the aftermath of the First World War found the concept suitable for dealing with their national minorities and consolidating their rule. In Eastern Galicia, the short-lived West Ukrainian People’s Republic promised its Polish, Jewish and German minorities far-reaching autonomy rights and implemented national personal autonomy in the law on parliamentary elections. After the incorporation of the region into the Polish Republic, an autonomy statute for Eastern Galicia was discussed but never implemented. However, the concept of national personal autonomy was also discussed at the local level. Using the example of the city of Kolomyja/Kolomyia, I will delineate the ongoing discussions regarding an adequate political representation of the city’s diverse population groups and outline the implementation of national personal autonomy in the composition of the city council – under Russian occupation in 1917 as well as under Ukrainian rule in 1918. What impact did the concept of national autonomy have on national identifications? Additionally, what factors contributed to the nationalisation of local society during the First World War and the early post-war period? In the framework of the Polish Republic, the experiments with national personal autonomy were not continued. However, national identifications continued to play a role in local politics.

Rolf Gehrmann

The Polish-German Borderlands in Light of Historical Demographic Studies, Eighteenth to the Early Twentieth Century

The subject is qualified by the space and the time considered, as well as by the sources used. Space: The regions treated here are now parts of Poland. Time: Compared to the nineteenth century, where more and better material is available for large parts of Poland, the eighteenth century has been neglected. Sources: Even for that period, aggregated vital statistics of high quality have been preserved, some of them even on a low regional level. They were collected by clergymen under the order and control of the Prussian state. The focus of the paper is to analyse the geographical distribution of demographic features extracted from the statistical material. The sources provide excellent information on mortality on different levels of aggregation, some insight on fertility and nearly none on marriage patterns. That may be an incentive for further research on the local level. Classical questions, such as the dependence of population growth on population density and resources and, in perspective, the transition from a Malthusian to a post-Malthusian regime, provide a larger framework to the subject. The data show that from a demographic point of view the former north-eastern provinces of Prussia were relatively homogenous. There, the variable percentage of the urban population alone explains to a high degree the variations of key values between the sub-regions. For Silesia the material available does not allow for mapping and regression analysis, but the values of infant and child mortality and crude birth and death rates already show that the demographic modes of reproduction were different from the three north-eastern provinces. This makes further comparative research promising, including the question of the demographic impacts of agrarian reforms, which is just one example of a larger subject, where the expertise of historical demography is necessary.

Anna Kalinowska

“It’s no use talking about it; what was never, never will be...?” Noble Society and the European Diplomatic Culture, Sixteenth–Seventeenth Centuries

The presentation will discuss the way Polish szlachta’s attitude towards the problem of foreign policy and diplomacy, and changes in the diplomatic practices in Europe in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. As Polish-Lithuanian diplomacy is often presented in historiography as an example of an “anomaly” or something peripheral and “unusual” when compared to diplomacies of other states, it is important to look at the reasons why – and to what extent – its development was different than in other countries, but also to revisit the long-standing conviction that szlachta was strongly opposed to possible changes in diplomatic practice and to look at the evolution of their attitude and the reasons behind it.

Hieronim Grala

Between Ruthenian Tradition and the Practice. The Diplomacy of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Relations with Muscovy (until the End of the Seventeenth Century)

The presentation will focus on the influence of the Polish Crown tradition on the Commonwealth’s diplomatic contacts with Muscovy, which in the Jagiellonian monarchy had remained the domain of the Grand Duchy’s diplomatic service, consistently and successfully using the customs, traditions and language belonging to the cultural legacy of Rus’/Ruthenia in its contacts with Muscovy. The inclusion of Crown diplomacy in negotiations with the Muscovite State after 1569 resulted in a departure from the said tradition and the progressive occidentalisation of diplomatic practice, as well as the abandonment of an important element – the Ruthenian language. Abandoning a tried-and-true instrument in dealing with the tsar’s diplomacy, in whose activities time-honoured practices occupied a prominent place (the institution of “starina”) and the possibility of negotiating in a foreign language was very limited. This relatively quickly undermined the effectiveness of the Commonwealth diplomacy’s activities towards Moscow, especially as it was accompanied by a partial loss of specialised personnel.

Hacer Topaktaş Üstüner

How Did the Envoys Carry Cultures? Cultural Encounters between Ottoman and Polish Courts in the Eighteenth Century

Ottoman and Polish envoys carried out a mission such as transferring the cultures of their countries to another country, in addition to their political and diplomatic posts between the royal courts of Warsaw and Istanbul. The gifts they brought during their missions and presented to important statesmen, especially the rulers, brought about a form of cultural exchange. Various cultural gifts presented by Ottoman and Polish envoys in the eighteenth century showcased the mutual recognition of both cultures. This paper will focus on how diplomats and diplomatic gifts became a means of cultural promotion and interaction between the two centres of power in the eighteenth century. The argument of the paper is that in the eighteenth century, when communication channels were limited, diplomats were important representatives of cultural encounters and diplomatic gift-giving was an important element of cultural interactions. For example, it can be said that Numan Bey (1777–1778), the last Ottoman envoy to Poland, was an important cultural interaction actor and representative, and his embassy was an important example of cultural encounters. This is because he showcased Ottoman culture both with the gifts he presented and the activities he carried out during his residence in Warsaw. On his return, he brought Polish culture to Istanbul with a Polish porcelain dinner set. Again, the Polish envoy Karol Boscamp Lasopolski brought Polish culture to Istanbul with the gifts he brought with him during his service in Istanbul (1776–1778). In addition, the furs and caftans presented to him and his legation were taken to Poland and became an opportunity to introduce Ottoman culture to Warsaw. In this context, the paper aims to emphasise the importance of cultural relations and the role of diplomats in cultural encounters during the history of Ottoman-Polish relations. The sources of the paper are Ottoman and Polish archival materials and other relevant literature on this subject.

Katherine Lebow

Children of War: Remembering the Eastern Front in Polish Competition Memoirs of the 1930s

“Five million people were involved but not one amongst them has attempted to make their suffering known in newspaper or book form,” wrote a foreign aid worker in Poland in 1919, referring to civilians – largely poor, illiterate or semi-literate peasants – who had endured displacement, destruction, and death on the Eastern front. “They have gone through so much that they cannot even tell it to a sympathetic visitor.” Of course, the “voiceless suffering” of the war’s civilian victims was – and is – a myth. Drawing on memoirs written in the 1930s by those who, as children, lived through the violence of 1914–21 in what would become the eastern borderlands of the Second Republic, I ask what their narratives tell us, both about the little-studied civilian experience of war on the Eastern front, and about resilience, agency and counter-heroic visions of wartime suffering.

Katherine Lebow

The Damaged Body: Disability and Disease in Polish Worker Memoirs of the 1930s

Reminiscing about his childhood in late nineteenth-century Poland, the worker Jakub Wojciechowski described each household in his village and their inhabitants. What strikes the modern reader is how many of his neighbours had some kind of physical or mental disability: a child whose ear had been accidentally burned off; a young man who had suddenly lost his mind; a war invalid; a farmer whose cow had taken out his eye; a deaf person. All but one of the neighbour’s children had died immediately after birth. In short, disability or disease marked nearly a third of the families in Wojciechowski’s neighbourhood. Wojciechowski’s account, however, is not unique. In the corpus of working-class biographies written in Poland between the two world wars, the damaged body is a common trope – so common, it seems, to warrant no special comment from Wojciechowski. However, other authors drew explicit connections between physical deprivation and social marginalisation, on the one hand, and bodily deformation, on the other. My paper will explore the body as a site for narrating working-class identity. Drawing on memoirs written by Polish workers in the 1930s for prize competitions such as Memoirs of the Unemployed or Workers Write, I consider how authors present the body – theirs and those of others – as a terrain of poverty, power and class conflict. In conclusion, I argue that the working-class body is physically marked by disability and disease in these memoirs much as the peasant body, according to Kacper Pobłocki, was marked by the lash in folk memory.

Ivelin Ivanov

The Bulgarian Survey on the Polish Question from 1915–1916 and the Establishment of Bulgarian-Polish Diplomatic Relations in 1918–1921. Historical Background and Cultural Encounters

The starting date of the establishment of Polish-Bulgarian relations was at the end of 1918, when Dr Tadeusz Grabowski, a university professor, historian of Slavic literature and diplomat, received his appointment as the ambassador of a revived Poland to Sofia on 22nd November 1918. Just after he arrived in Bulgaria in 1915, as head of the Polish press service, which aimed to promote Polish aspirations for independence, Dr Grabowski undertook intensive diplomatic and information activities, which won the support of the Bulgarian political and intellectual elite for the Polish cause. The purpose of the poster is not only to present those first steps in establishing diplomatic Polish-Bulgarian relations, but above all to analyse the role of Polish-Bulgarian cultural contacts as a factor in the revival of Polish-Bulgarian cooperation. The author emphasises Polish-Bulgarian cultural and educational contacts in the nineteenth and early twentieth century, and the individual contributions of famous authors, intellectuals and artists in formulating the image of Poland and Poles in Bulgarian society during the years of the First World War. A vivid expression of these cultural impact and image-building models was “A Survey on the Polish Question,” conducted in Bulgaria in 1915–1916.

Glenn Dynner

Destruction and Reconstruction: Hasidism during WWI and Its Aftermath

During the First World War, the Polish Jewish populace was exiled, imprisoned and executed as alleged spies. Tens of thousands of Hasidim and their rebbes were scattered across the region, uprooting the prewar network of Hasidic courts, prayerhouses and schools. Rebbes in Galicia usually sought refuge in Vienna, while rebbes in the Kingdom of Poland gravitated towards cities like Warsaw and Łódź. In their new, urban surroundings, they kept the light of Hasidism burning throughout the war by delivering discourses that were both uplifting and polemical, e.g. constructing Gentiles and “external wisdom” as inherently violent. However, seeds of positive reconstruction were also evident. In the midst of the war, a young Hasidic woman named Sarah Schenirer established the first in what would eventually become an entire network of traditional women’s schools: Bais Yaakov; while the Gerer Rebbe led a political organisation, Aguda, that would enable the construction and reconstruction of hundreds of traditionalist primary schools (hadarim) and Hasidic yeshivas, several of which would earn international acclaim. Although Hasidism had been in decline during the years leading up to the First World War, this paper argues that the war and the post-war pogroms that ensued, proved galvanizing rather than demoralizing, paradoxically paving the way for a Hasidic revival in interwar Poland.

Eric Ketelaar

Archives as a Cultural Phenomenon

Discussing archives as a cultural phenomenon entails viewing archives as epistemological sites rather than sources. In the past two decades, this “archival turn” has been made in many disciplines. Anthropologists, sociologists, psychologists, philosophers, cultural and literary theorists, and artists have developed various “archiviologies.” Historians, however, by and large held to the primacy of documents as historical sources, maintaining the tenet “No documents, no history,” which was proclaimed 125 years ago, in 1897, by the French archivist Langlois and historian Seignobos, and adopted in Poland in 1912. But understanding archives as a cultural, social and political phenomenon entails shifting the attention from the actual archival document to its contextual history, a history encompassing the why, who, what and how of archiving, all determined by societal challenges and technologies. Such an approach will yield new insights, for example, in the agency of archivers and (digital) devices, and in the structure and incompleteness of archives. To what extent are these insights of value in cultural encounters on a global scale?

Gennadii Korolov

Polish Federalist Ideas between Utopia and Realpolitik: Ideological Patterns, Geopolitical Traps, Nationalist Entanglements (1863–1923)

The paper deals with the entangled history of Polish federalist ideas, which have evolved from an ideological utopia to a broadly defined tool of Realpolitik. In this respect, the main questions sound as follows: why were the Polish federalist projects not acknowledged and, in many cases, rejected by representatives of the Ukrainian, Belarusian and Lithuanian national movements? Were these federalist ideas fashionable slogans or serious political endeavours? After the January Uprising of 1863, Polish federalist ideas were inspired by the American model of federalism and the tradition of so-called “Great Emigration.” The defeat of the Uprising had placed geopolitics at the core of the development of the federalist idea in Polish political thought, especially in the context of ascertaining the geopolitical position “between Germany and Russia.” This model of situating Polish lands on the European map also determined the extensive circulation of federalist ideas among various political camps. After the outbreak of WWI, the idea of federalism/federation/confederation became an important element of political rhetoric. Subsequently, federalist ideas turned into the ideological slogans of socialist circles and the National Democrats. Both political forces had used federalism merely as an instrument of Realpolitik and under the influence of specific political circumstances, without thinking about its implementation as a form of political structure. In this respect, the federalist idea connected itself to the territorial and geopolitical aspirations of Polish elites, and was considered a doctrine for strengthening the Polish national state. The tradition of Polish historiography on the two influential political doctrines – “federative” and “incorporative” – is questionable. This division needs to be revised. First, however, one needs to clarify the ideological motives of Piłsudski’s camp and the national democrats and analyse their its Realpolitik pursuits after WWI.

Dieter Schlenker

European Integration as a Cultural Phenomenon. The Role of Archives

European integration is usually considered a foremost economic project. The European Coal and Steel Community created with the Paris Treaty of 1951, the European Atomic Energy Community and the European Economic Community, both established with the Rome Treaties of 1957, paved the way for the European single market and became direct forerunners of today’s European Union. Behind these projects we see, at first sight, the will for economic cooperation. However, the vision of European unity in post-War Western Europe went far beyond that, i.e. towards a holistic project of an “ever closer union.” The core economic cooperation was embedded in a net of policies and initiatives that covered numerous sectors of human interaction and made the European Union a unique cultural phenomenon. Archives safeguard the memory of this multi-faceted project and preserve the numerous initiatives on European unity. A central role is played by the Historical Archives of the European Union in Florence, which preserves and makes accessible the writings of EU institutions, bodies and agencies. Its collections also embrace numerous private archives from a diverse and rich set of organisations and individuals that played an active role in European integration. European integration is passed down as a cultural phenomenon comprising economic organisations, such as the European Free Trade Association, social associations such as the European Consumer Organisation BEUC, educational federations such as the Committee of Rectors of European Universities and cultural associations, i.e. the European Society of Culture. This paper analyses European integration as a cultural phenomenon documented in the diverse holdings of the Historical Archives of the European Union and other relevant archives. The article offers an insight into the role archives play in preserving and transferring the knowledge and living memory of multi-faceted European integration.

Myroslav Voloshchuk

Cultural Encounters: Ruthenians in the Service of the Piast Dynasty in the Fourteenth Century

The search for Ruthenians in the service of the Piasts in the lands that were not in the possession of the Polish rulers proves to be difficult. We can hardly find anyone identifying as Ruthenus in the close surroundings of the Piasts before the capture of Lviv by Casimir III in 1340 and 1349 and the wars of the Polish king waged against the Gediminids for the inheritance of the Romanids’ state in the 1350–60s. Yet, they still may have existed. For example, the use of absolutely atypical names by certain representatives of the Polish elites can be considered evidence of their Ruthenian extraction. Vasily (succamerarius, castellanus), mentioned during 1295–1338 in the surrounding of Bolesław II, Duke of Masovia and Czersk, as well as his son Trojden, are a case in point. The mention of Johannes de Ladimiria in the service of Henry VI the Good, found in sources between 1320–1349, is of particular interest too. The situation is quite different with the Ruthenians in the royal possessions (the crown land) of Kings Władysław Łokietek and Casimir III. It is quite obvious that the latter was surrounded by a group of people with characteristic Ruthenian identities. Petrus Ruthenus dictus Yuanovicz, Juon dictus Loy Ruthenus (Iwanus dictus Loy de Skarzeszow), Jwon Ruthenus dictus War, Chodco, Petrus et Ostachco Ruthenos, Dimitrus de Russia, vicethesaurarius, regni Poloniae marschalcus are some of the most eminent figures to have appeared by his side in the 1450s–1460s. Moreover, it seems possible to identify several people according to place of origin, possible place of residence and their landed estate: Wolczko de Drohovicz, Chodko Mathuteiowicz de Chlopczyce, Chotko de Byblo and his sons; by characteristic names and place of residence (or their landed estate): Vacho(n) Thepthuch, Dimitrius filius Matphei dicti Kaldoffowicz, Gleb Diuorskowicz Sluneczco de Rosbora and his descendants Jacko dictus Sloneczko and Kostko Sloneczkouicz.

Jitka Komendova

Depictions of Neighbours in the Historical Writings in Poland and Rus’ in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries

The study aims to define the function of the image of neighbouring nations in Polish and Eastern Slavonic historiography in the context of medieval historiography. Poland was linked to Rus’ by the fact that both territories were “frontier societies.” Therefore, the literature of these two countries also reflects religiously and culturally different communities. A comparison of the image of neighbouring ethnicities in Polish and East Slavonic historiography shows that the definition of “us” vs “the alien world” is much sharper in the earliest chronicles of medieval Rus’ than in Poland. The reason for that can be the fact that different categories of “the other” were overlapping in Eastern Europe. The boundaries between the world that is ethnically, politically, religiously and linguistically akin to the East Slavonic chroniclers (an identity expressed in the chronicles by the term “Christians”) and the world of “the other” are therefore much sharper. On the other hand, Latin-speaking intellectuals, in addition to their ethno-political identity, had a very strong identity both within the Catholic Church and within the “res publica litteratum,” which allowed them to feel part of a community that transcended national and linguistic boundaries. The difference in the image of the neighbouring ethnic groups is also conditioned by the function of specific historical works, since East Slavonic chronicling also incorporates functions that were fulfilled by different genres in contemporary Latin writing. A comparison of the earliest historiography of medieval Poland and Rus’ demonstrates that despite a number of connections in various spheres of social life, the literature of both countries shows only partial analogies, and it does not bear any traces of cross-cultural dialogue or elements of convergence between the two literary systems.

Peter Ori

Common Experiences of Hungarian and Polish Historical Demography with Regard to Studying Multi-Ethnic and Multi-Confessional Populations

The family reconstitution method dominated historical demographic research from the end of the 1950s up to the 1990s. The use of this method secured considerable results; first of all, it meant a great step forward in uncovering the timing and geography of fertility transition. But the shortcomings of the method have also become evident: it was a descriptive model and it was useful for studying fertility changes. The following type of analysis becomes increasingly important: the exploration of individual-level, longitudinal demographic data where the effects of stable and changing conditions such as religion, ethnicity, place of residence and social status, on the one hand, and age, family composition, profession, previous demographic events in the family, on the other, can be studied and tested statistically. Event history analysis has become increasingly common in social sciences, and it also offers possibilities for researchers of the demographic past. The presentation demonstrates some of these advantages by using the example of Hungarian research on historical demography. It shows how the use of the new method helps to resolve previous research questions concerning fertility transition and how it helps to create a more intelligible model of demographic development over the last two and a half centuries.

Daniel Bagi

Poles and Ruthenians in the Rhyming Chronicle of Ottokar of Styria

The so-called Styrian Chronicle written by Ottokar of the Gaal (around 1308–1319) is one of the most important German written sources on the history of East-Central Europe at the turn of the thirteenth and fourteenth century. The text presents a wealth of data on the relationship between Bohemia, Poland, Austria, Hungary and even Galicia–Volhynia. The present paper provides an overview of the data extracted from the chronicle regarding Poles and Ruthenians and, in a wider sense, East-European issues.

Andrii Stasiuk, Simon Manmenvall

Polish Franciscan Brothers in Rus’ from the Fourteenth to Mid-Fifteenth Century. A Prosopographical Outline

The Franciscan missions in Rus’ between the thirteenth and the first half of the fourteenth centuries, unlike the Dominican missions of this period, have recently been on the periphery of historical research. The first missions of Franciscan friars in Rus’ date back to the 1330s and 1340s. Their main route to the principalities of Rus’ lay through the Franciscans’ province of Bohemia and Poland. Fragmentary sources allow for the assumption that the first Franciscan missionaries in Rus’ were mostly Catholic Slavs, mainly Poles. This can be explained by the active dynastic contacts between the Rurikids and the Piasts. The lands of Galicia-Volhynia played a particular role in the Franciscans’ missions to the East. From the middle of the thirteenth to the first third of the fourteenth century, the followers of St. Francis managed to spread their influence there. The activities of the Polish Franciscans are well illustrated through the prism of personal contacts with the local nobility, including the presence of the Franciscan Benedict of Poland at the embassy of Giovanni da Pian del Carpine; the decision of St. Salomea, the Queen of Halych, and Svyatoslava Lvovna, daughter of Leo of Halych, to join the Order of Poor Ladies; and direct mentions of the Franciscans in the Galician-Volhynian Chronicle, etc. The verification and identification of numerous Ruthenian Minor martyrs require separate consideration. Natives of Poland are most often mentioned as martyrs. By the end of the first third of the fourteenth century, the Franciscans’ presence in the Romanovichi’s possessions/crowned lands had increased, which served as a prerequisite for the foundation of first permanent Franciscan friaries/convents in Rus’. Since eight people were the minimum number of brothers required for the functioning of a convent/friary (which was not always a dogma for missionary territories), it can be assumed that during that period the minimum number of the Franciscans in the lands of Rus’ was no less than 24 brothers.

Vasil Varonin

Švitrigaila, the “Lyakh gordyi”: The Defection of the Lithuanian Duke to Muscovy in 1408 and the Emergence of National Stereotypes in North-East Rus’ in the Fifteenth Century

In Muscovite Rus’, and then in the Russian Empire, the stereotype of the Pole as a proud, arrogant person became widespread. One such episode gives a good idea of how and why such ethnic stereotypes would emerge in that era. Russian annals contain a rather detailed description of Švitrigaila/Świdrygiełło Olgierdowic’s one-and-a-half-year stay in Moscow, where he had escaped from Bryansk in the summer of 1408. Indeed, it was an extraordinary event. Suffice it to say that Švitrigaila/Świdrygiełło was presented with the city of Vladimir – the nominal capital of the Grand Duchy of Muscovy – by the Moscow sovereign. Among other things, the chronicler called him a proud Pole (a “proud Lyakh”). At first glance, this looks rather strange because Švitrigaila/Świdrygiełło was the son of a Lithuanian duke and a Ruthenian princess. Everything indicates that he was considered a Lyakh not because of his ethnic origin but his confession. Therefore, this term could denote a Catholic. In his depiction of Švitrigaila/Świdrygiełło and his behaviour, the chronicler noted that he did not want to visit the main Orthodox church of Vladimir – the Holy Virgin Cathedral. In this regard, the source connects Švitrigaila/Świdrygiełło’s unwillingness to bow to Orthodox shrines with his Catholic faith. It was for this reason, and not for the traits of his character, that the chronicler called him a “proud Pole.” Paradoxically, this Pole was a Lithuanian duke. We would like to point out that Švitrigaila/Świdrygiełło’s close circles, with the absolute dominance of Orthodox Christians in their ranks, were also called “the Poles.” Thus, people who came from a country with another dominant confession would also become Catholics – even if they were really Orthodox.

Yanina Ryier

Polish Captives in Rus’ and Lithuania in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries

The presence of Polish captives in Rus’ and Lithuania from the thirteenth to the first half of the fourteenth century seems to be a relevant yet understudied issue. The paper will present two thematic blocks: Polish prisoners in Rus’ (first of all, in Galician and Volhynian principalities in the thirteenth century) and Polish captives in Lithuania from the mid-thirteenth to the first half of the fourteenth century. The fragmented nature of narrative sources complicates the study of this issue. Ruthenian annals (most notably the Galician-Volhynian Chronicle) are vital for the analysis of the presence of Polish captives in Rus’. The study of Polish prisoners in Lithuania can be based on the data from Polish and Teutonic chronicles (predominantly, the Chronicon terrae Prussiae by Peter of Dusburg). Agreements concluded by the representatives of ruling families should also be considered. These include treaties signed during or after military campaigns (e.g. the treaty of 1229, which stipulated that Polish dukes and Volhynian princes keep peace and not to take captives) and marriage agreements. The most striking example of the latter is the marriage agreement between Prince Casimir, son of King Władysław Łokietek of Poland, and Princess Anna, daughter of Grand Duke Gediminas of Lithuania, in 1325, enshrined by the release of all Polish prisoners who had been captured by the Lithuanians up to that time. The study of this problem includes the following research items: the dynamics of Ruthenian and Lithuanian attacks accompanied by the taking of Polish prisoners; the scale of such captures; the identification of the main categories of prisoners according to their social and gender classification; the release of Polish prisoners, its frequency and conditions of release; the level of the captives’ social integration and influence on Ruthenian and Lithuanian culture and society.

Vitaliy Nagirnyy

Poles in Rus’ in the Eleventh–Thirteenth Centuries: Selected Research Problems

Relations between Poland and Rus’ between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries and their political, dynastic, military or cultural ramifications have been described in great detail. At the same time, liaisons between the states of the Piasts and the Rurikids and their political and military (and non-ruling) elites are yet to be investigated. This is due to the nature of the extant sources and low interest from researchers. In the paper, I will try to fill this gap and focus on the presence of Polish natives in the service of Ruthenian rulers. Despite the scarcity of sources, several groups of people of Polish origin in the courts of the Rurikids can be distinguished. The first group comprises figures of undoubtedly Polish origin. Piotr Vlostovich (the early 1120s) is the most striking example as a representative of the Polish elite in the service of the Rurikids. This group also includes the unnamed “Lyachs” who served the Ruthenian princes. The next group consists of the personalities designated by “Лѧх” or by the nicknames originating from this ethnonym (“Лѧшько,” “Лѧхєц” etc.), e.g. Lyashko (1115), Lyashko (the 1140s–1160s.), Volodyslav Lyach (the 1160–1170s.), Lyach (the 1160–1190s), Lyachiec Starincev (the 1210–1220s.), Lyach (the 1280–1290s). It is highly probable that these nicknames indicate the Polish origin of their bearers. Another group is represented by individuals who are not named “Lyachs” but whose names or patronyms suggest their possible Polish origin or origin from mixed Ruthenian-and-Polish marriages. Izbignev Ivachevich (1150s) is a case in point.

Nevyan Mitev

Coins of Stephen Báthory (1576–1586) from the Bulgarian Lands

The coins of King Stephen Báthory of Poland (1576–1586) were one of the most numerous foreign emissions to be found in the Ottoman Empire. They were part of the coin circulation in the Bulgarian lands in the second half of the sixteenth century. The specimens of Báthory were preferred emissions for treasuring, which is why they are often present in the coin hoards from that time. The aim of this study is to show different coins minted by King Stephen Báthory that still can be found in the Bulgarian lands. To date, only one gold coin has been registered: a ducat minted in Gdańsk in 1583. The specimen is kept in the National Museum of History in Sofia. Most plausibly, it entered the Bulgarian lands through “the territories south of the Danube, through the Habsburg possessions, in the composition of sums of money containing Hungarian gold coins, to which they were equated by value.” As opposed to gold issues, silver coins are often found in the Bulgarian lands. The most common are the coins with a nominal value of 3 groschen, but a quarter of thalers, szelągs and others can also be found. The specimens of King Stephen Báthory became so widespread that they were part of the coin hoards in the subsequent centuries. The coins of Stephen Báthory were found throughout Bulgaria. Therefore, it can be assumed that they were distributed evenly in this area. Traditionally, Báthory’s specimens are found in the coin hoards along with issues of King Sigismund III Vasa, but they are significantly inferior in quantity. In fact, the coins of Stephen Báthory are the second most common Polish-Lithuanian issues in the Bulgarian lands during the Ottoman period.

Allison Rodriguez

Pieron and Kocynder, Upper Silesian Fools: Depictions of Germans and Poles in Satirical Magazines during the Plebiscite Period

In June 1919, the Treaty of Versailles stipulated that a plebiscite would be held to determine if Upper Silesia – and its large coal mines – would belong to the reorganised Germany or reconstituted Poland. The date of the plebiscite was eventually set for 20th March 1921, and in the intervening years the nascent German and Polish governments inundated the region with various forms of propaganda, calling on Upper Silesians to “stay with Germany” or “become Polish.” For both, the plebiscite propaganda provided a laboratory of sorts, a new arena in which German and Polish nationalists could experiment with and redefine perceptions of themselves and each other. This paper will examine one specific aspect of the propaganda, which has largely been overlooked in the historiography – satirical magazines. Appearing within weeks of each other in the summer of 1920, both the German Pieron and the Polish Kocynder couched their sharp critiques of the other in humour; subtlety had no place in either. In addition to addressing a host of issues – historical grievances, economic arguments – both magazines depicted the other in the harshest and starkest terms. Germans were warmongering Prussians or capitalist fat cats; Poles were drunken and destitute. While taken to extremes, we can see how Germans and Poles were attempting to create a new image of themselves, set against the other. These depictions were also highly gendered. While women appeared uniformly as mothers, Pieron and Kocynder differed on what exactly constituted the masculine ideal. I argue that these under-examined magazines provide a unique insight into how German and Polish nationalists defined themselves and each other, presenting these depictions to a notoriously nationally ambivalent people.

Dariusz Stola

The Challenges of Polish Migration Policies, 1945 to the Present: From Outmigration to Immigration Control

Since 1945, Poland has undergone a series of major shifts in its policies on transnational migration, which followed radical changes of its territory, political regime, economy and demography, as well as dramatic events abroad. In the early post-war years, it organised multi-million population transfers, both from and to its newly redrawn territory. Soon afterwards, from the late 1940s to the mid-1950s, its communist government reduced migration to the lowest levels in known history. Between 1956 and 1989, Polish communists pursued a policy of selective restrictions, allowing for limited streams of ethnic outmigration, as well as for the substantial expansion of short-term mobility, primarily within the Soviet bloc, and temporary labour migrations. By 1989, almost all the restrictions on transnational mobility were abolished. The post-1989 Poland made efforts to facilitate labour migration among Poles and to manage the inflow of foreigners, which has expanded in the last decade, making Poland the leading importer of labour in the EU. This year, Poland has faced two major migration-related challenges: the inflow of refugees across the border with Belarus, and the inflow of war refugees from Ukraine after Russian aggression. The Polish government responded to both in opposing ways: pushing back, illegally and cruelly, thousands of migrants into Belarus, while generously admitting millions of Ukrainians. This paper will present the key dilemmas of the policies in each of these stages.

Patricia García-Montón

Small World. Art Historians’ Networks across the Iron Curtain: Francoist Spain and the Polish People’s Republic within the Framework of CIHA

“Back in Poland I remember the days I spent in Granada,” wrote the art historian Jan Białostocki to Xavier de Salas Bosch, Director of the Prado Museum, on 19th September 1973, after the 23rd International Congress of Art History. “The monuments of Spanish art and the artistic attractions of the congress will remain in our memory for a long time.” Since the early post-war years, the Comité International d’Histoire de l’Art (CIHA) allowed exchanges between scholars from Eastern and Western blocs thanks to its congresses and other scientific meetings. However, apart from their CIHA membership, Polish and Spanish scholars had much more in common. They internationalised their careers in the same western scientific centres; participated in the same international research projects; organised exhibitions together. The aim of this paper is to delve into the contacts, entanglements and transfers between art historians from Francoist Spain and the Polish People’s Republic, countries with ideologically opposed regimes, even if the promotion mechanisms across the Art History field were not so different.

Alexandr Holovko

Poland and the Poles in the Eyes of the Inhabitants of Rus’ (from the Eleventh Century to the First Half of the Thirteenth Century)

During the High Middle Ages, the inhabitants of Rus’ and Poland were in a system of close economic, political and cultural ties. In order to understand the mechanism of interaction of these ethno-political communities, it is important to consider the issue of the perception of neighbours – the Poles and Poland – by the inhabitants of Rus’. Many factors influenced the formation and development of these ideas. The positive points were their common Slavic origin, affinity of culture and economy, as well as similarity of the languages. The religious factor was an important aspect in this interaction too. From the eleventh to the first half of the thirteenth century, there were no periods of prolonged confrontation between Rus’ and Poland. Among the significant complications, one can mention only the conflicts at the beginning of the eleventh century and the period of the expansion of the principality of Kraków and Sandomierz in Rus’ in the first decades of the thirteenth century (for example, clashes between Kyivans and Poles in Kyiv in September 1018). At the same time, Duke Bolesław I the Brave led a group of Ruthenian elites to Poland, part of which had left Rus’ involuntarily. In the text of the Paterik of the Kyivan Caves Monastery, one can find information on the presence of natives from Rus’ and Poland in the establishment. It is obvious that the so-called schism of the churches in 1054 did not have a negative impact on the attitudes of Ruthenian intellectuals towards Poland. During the period of the feudal wars of the second half of the eleventh-twelfth century as well as in the first half of the thirteenth century, there was no ethnic confrontation between Ruthenians and Poles. In this regard, the chronicle story about the campaign of Prince Danylo Romanovych to Kalisz in 1229 picturesquely illustrates the character of these relations. The papal letters, aimed at inciting a religious confrontation between Ruthenians and Poles, did not have any negative consequences on the relations between the representatives of these two Slavic nationalities.

Ramunė Šmigelskytė-Stukienė

Cultural Values in the Family of Kazimierz Konstanty Plater, Vice-Chancellor of Lithuania

The aim of the paper is to present the noblewoman of Lithuania and Livonia, Countess Izabela Ludwika Borch Plater, wife of Livonian elder Kazimierz Konstanty Plater, as a woman of the Age of Enlightenment who transcended the boundaries of the private home space through her cultural activities. Based on the analysis of the sources kept at the Plater family archive, the biography of Izabela Ludwika will be expanded by new data revealing her pedagogical talent and presenting the countess’s cultural domain and the individuals who acted in it. The bonds of partnership, love and respect that linked the spouses in the Plater family opened up broad opportunities for the countess’s creative pursuits. An active and educated woman of the Enlightenment, she managed to transcend the boundaries of the home space and dedicated a great share of her time to activities important for society; she initiated and edited a special publication for children called Przyjaciel dzieci, which required intensive daily work of 6–8 hours. Countess Plater consulted doctors and scientists on the questions of the translation of children’s periodicals from German, so as to present the latest scientific information in a form accessible to children. The cultural milieu of Izabela Ludwika Borch Plater included accomplished priests, scientists and publicists of that time: Bishop Józef Kazimierz Kossakowski, philosopher Kazimierz Narbutt, King Stanislaw August’s court artist and poet Antoni Albertrandi, his cousin, ex-Jesuit Jan Albertrandi, Lady Louise d’Aloy, daughter of the resident of Courland, Jan Baptist d’Aloe and others.

Stefan Szewczuk

From Poland via Siberia to South Africa: The Involuntary Migration of Polish Siberian Deportee Refugees to South Africa with a Focus on the History of the Polish Children of Oudtshoorn

The Polish presence in South Africa dates to the late 1400s as part of Portuguese voyages of discovery to India. Thereafter, Polish missionaries, merchants and traders, adventurers and seamen sailed from Europe around the Cape of Good Hope to India and the Far East. In 1652, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) established a re-supply port in Cape Town. Poles employed by the VOC settled in the Cape colony and assimilated into the emerging Afrikaner (Boer) community; they put down Polish roots an left Polish traces. Emigration from the 2nd Polish Republic (1918–1939) to South Africa consisted mostly of Polish Jews. These Polish Jews actively took part in South African economic, social and cultural life and became well known businessmen, tradesmen, inventors and civil servants. The core of the current Polish community in South Africa finds it roots in the cataclysm of WWII. It may not be immediately obvious, but Poles have made their presence felt and have left their traces not only in South Africa but in Africa at large. The Polish Children of Oudtshoorn, together with other deportees from other refugee camps in East and Southern Africa, including other WWII refugees, went on to form the current core of the Polish community in South Africa. After WWII, after demobilisation, a number of Polish military personnel settled in South Africa. Those military personnel who married deportees went on to be active in the Polish community.

Mikołaj Szołtysek

“Missing Girls” in Interwar Poland: Child Sex Ratios and Their Correlates across Multiple Borderlands

Sex ratios during infancy and childhood, and their spatial distribution across interwar Poland (1918-1939), seem to contradict most of the common explanations that associate high masculinisation of offspring with patriarchal cultural biases, limited female labour opportunities and socio-economic backwardness. The proportion of boys to girls in the Polesie province to the east of the country, considered a reservoir of the most archaic forms of peasant agrarian economy and culture (including extreme forms of patriarchy), was on a similar level as child sex ratios in heavily industrialised Upper Silesia. In order to understand this conundrum, we dwell on a multivariate analysis of the 1931 national population census, from which a set of variables describing demographic and socioeconomic conditions, cultural diversity and standards of living are derived for nearly 300 districts of the country. Our main working hypothesis is that the peculiar spatial distribution of child sex ratios across the Republic of Poland can only be comprehended by carefully disentangling the combined effects of regional infant mortality cultures, potential census misreporting and the role of complex family structures.

Stephanie Weismann

“The working class smells.” Ruminations on Olfactory Impropriety

George Orwell argued that “[the] real secret of class distinction in the West […] is summed up in four frightful words […].The lower classes smell.” [The Road to Wigan Pier, 1937] Indeed, working class areas and their bodies were continuously represented as not only noisy and greasy, but mostly stinking and aesthetically unpleasing. Whether in factory inspection reports, government documents, journalistic accounts, oral history or novels – the working class always reeks. Thus, class difference has been something that was physically experienced, and odour a potent symbolic means of categorizing different groups, creating and enforcing class boundaries. Hence, the subaltern status always has a sensory notion. It was primarily the sense of smell which enraged social reformers, since smell had a pervasive and invisible presence difficult to regulate. Odours are ephemeral, affective and emotive. Thus, the transitive and subversive character of smells came to symbolise not only the moral inferiority of the other, but also the ability of the other to disrupt one’s own order. The transgressive (body) odours of the working class would not only be perceived as unpleasant, but also contaminating bourgeois space. Thus, many of the efforts to regulate or reform working-class lives can be subsumed as “sensory control.” This paper aims at contributing, with a panorama of insights and reflections, on defining the borders of class via smell (based on studies about England and America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century), and discussing it in the context of the Polish working-class culture of the twentieth century.

Jesse Kauffman

Civilians in the Galician Theatre of War, 1914–1923

Drawing on research I completed for my current book project (Blood-Dimmed Tide: Central Europe’s Long Great War, 1905–1921), this paper will propose that a specifically Galician theatre of war existed, and that its distinctive characteristics are lost when its war years are anachronistically subsumed into the various national histories written afterward. Perhaps chief among these characteristics is the degree to which civilians were at the centre of many wartime policies, events and forces, oftentimes deliberately so. At the very outset of the war, for example, the Austro-Hungarian government targeted Ukrainian-speaking Galicians with a variety of repressive measures, including mass arrest, imprisonment in camps and even execution, due to the state’s suspicion that these loyal subjects were aiding the Russians. In addition, Polish primary sources make it abundantly clear that the Ukrainians’ fellow Galician subjects, the Poles, actively participated in identifying potential “spies” for the authorities, and frequently harassed and assaulted suspected spies as they were marched through the streets to their fate. Civilians were also central to the state-building mission pursued by the Russian authorities when they conquered Galicia at the beginning of the war, since they supported the activities of Ukrainians deemed sufficiently loyal to Russia. Finally, all sides, including the occupying (and even “friendly”) armies, targeted the Jews with harassment and assault. All of this affected the establishment of the post-war Polish state because it created a deep reservoir of fear, resentment and mistrust that helped fuel the fractious nationality politics of the Second Republic.Indeed, working class areas and their bodies were continuously represented as not only noisy and greasy, but mostly stinking and aesthetically unpleasing. Whether in factory inspection reports, government documents, journalistic accounts, oral history or novels – the working class always reeks. Thus, class difference has been something that was physically experienced, and odour a potent symbolic means of categorizing different groups, creating and enforcing class boundaries. Hence, the subaltern status always has a sensory notion. It was primarily the sense of smell which enraged social reformers, since smell had a pervasive and invisible presence difficult to regulate. Odours are ephemeral, affective and emotive. Thus, the transitive and subversive character of smells came to symbolise not only the moral inferiority of the other, but also the ability of the other to disrupt one’s own order. The transgressive (body) odours of the working class would not only be perceived as unpleasant, but also contaminating bourgeois space. Thus, many of the efforts to regulate or reform working-class lives can be subsumed as “sensory control.” This paper aims at contributing, with a panorama of insights and reflections, on defining the borders of class via smell (based on studies about England and America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century), and discussing it in the context of the Polish working-class culture of the twentieth century.

Bela Kapossy

Vattel, Brühl and the Establishment of Polish-Swiss Intellectual Networks during the Seven Years’ War

This paper will re-examine the eighteenth-century connection between Poland and Switzerland in light of the recent historiographical reappraisal of the importance of the Seven Years’ War in the evolution of European political and economic thought. The victory of the British over the French was not only a major military and political event, but also an impulse to re-think the modern, mixed economy; the role of the state in promoting its stable development; and the viability of peace between states locked in commercial cooperation and competition. In the aftermath of that war, there appeared a Europe-wide renewal of interest in questions related to food stability, supply chains, agricultural techniques and managing the unequal relationship between town and country, which foreshadowed the subsequent emergence of Physiocracy. Among the thinkers and practitioners of statecraft who were the most attuned to these questions, a special place needs to be accorded to Emer de Vattel, often called the “father of modern international law.” Vattel, a Swiss born in Neuchâtel who developed extensive links in Bern, found employment at the Saxon-Polish court and spent the final years of the Seven Years’ War in Warsaw. There, he came into contact with a number of reform-minded individuals such as Katarzyna Mniszech and Feliks Łoyko, who would advise King Stanisław August Poniatowski in the early phase of his reign (1764–1768). In this paper, we shall consider the broader implications and questions raised by these developments and place them in the context of thinking about peace, economic reform and international cooperation and competition during and after the Seven Years’ War. We will look at who the Swiss invited to Poland were, as well as their networks and intellectual involvements.

Radoslaw Szymanski

Bertrand, the Mniszechs and the Political Economy of Agrarian Republics

In this paper we will look at one singular project of political and economic reform, developed in a crucial period in the history of modern European political thought with the express purpose of addressing the challenges faced by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The project was elaborated between 1763 and 1768 by Michał Mniszech, a cousin of the soon-to-be king Stanisław (August) Poniatowski and his Swiss tutor Élie Bertrand, a pastor, natural historian and burgeoning political economist. Bertrand was appointed as the minister of industry by the king shortly after they met; his pupil Mniszech would subsequently became a close collaborator of the king and the Commissioner of Police. The primary interest of this ambitious, mostly unpublished plan is that it was a product of a thoroughgoing engagement with heterodox strands of modern political thought: Montesquieu, Vattel and the natural law tradition, Rousseau, Swiss debates on moral and political improvement, nascent Physiocracy and modern German Cameralism. As part of their collaboration, they set out on a tour of Western Europe during which they sought out first-hand contact with minor and major figures involved in economic, technological and administrative improvements, ranging from local farmers to David Hume and Victor Mirabeau. Importantly, the intellectual resources assembled thanks to this diverse network were fused and reworked by Mniszech and Bertrand so as to adapt them to Polish conditions. In step with the major intellectual currents of the time, they identified the political economy as the framework which held the promise of reinvigorating the republic. Looking at this ad-hoc international network, constituted to address Polish problems, will thus provide an opportunity to reflect on the issues of intellectual transfer, the adaptability of the Enlightenment’s political thought and the role of political economy and heterodox form of rationality in enabling political and economic reform.

Aleksander Łupienko

Imperial, National or Local. Warsaw under Russian Rule

The presentation aims at grasping the difficult history of Warsaw, the former capital of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, during the time of its imposed provincial status (by the tsarist regime) in the second half of the nineteenth century. How to conceptualise Warsaw as a meaningful place, and how to avoid recurring questions about the city’s affiliation? What did it mean to be a Varsovian? And its inhabitants: what could Poles, Jews and Russians possibly have in common? One of the answers may be the issue of culture, in this case, the memory culture (to borrow a widely accepted term coined by Ch. Cornelißen), created and narrated within the city. What memory has been recalled by different groups? Were there any dominating narratives, or messages about the past that were successfully brought to the wider masses? What was the form of the past they spoke of: national, class or religious? Which groups managed to create something resembling a memory culture and what was its character: inclusive or exclusive? These questions support the main hypothesis about the salience of memory in defining how nineteenth-century cities should be conceptualised in historiography, and come from the conviction that it is the culture “produced” in cities that should be investigated more deeply in order to bring more order to the chaos characterising the realities of the nascent (“emerging”) cities of Central and East-Central Europe before 1914.

Piotr Guzowski

How Polish Historical Demography Can Contribute to the Discussion about Europe’s Demographic Past

All major theories produced by historical demographers have a geographical aspect. John Hajnal’s famous concept of the European Marriage Pattern, Peter Laslett’s theory of diverse family forms or the idea of the chronology of demographic transition have always taken into account either some distinctiveness of Eastern Europe or at least its peculiarities or backwardness. This paper will refer to three spheres of scientific activity of Polish historical demographers in which their contribution is evident and will hopefully grow with time. The first contribution of Polish demographers is providing data from Polish lands that can confirm or contradict the theories around which discussions are taking place. Secondly, Polish demographers can propose, based on data from the Polish lands, explanations of phenomena characteristic of Eastern Europe as a whole, such as the impact of the serfdom system on the family and household in the pre-industrial period. Thirdly, it seems that historical demography in Poland, although it has not been sufficiently internationalised yet, is characterised by its high quality of research. For some time, Polish works, textbooks and models of research have been emulated by historians in the countries that made up the former Polish-Lithuanian state. This is possible not only through the flow of publications, but increasingly through regular scientific contacts.

Vojtěch Pojar

The Making of a Romanian Eugenicist in Wartime Galicia: Networks of Medical Experts in the Habsburg Military and the Emergence of Iuliu Moldovan’s Eugenic Project, 1914–1923

Iuliu Moldovan (1882–1966) was one of the most powerful eugenicists in interwar Romania. Yet, the intellectual genealogy of his eugenic project is unclear. The fact that Moldovan served for almost two decades as a medical expert in the Habsburg military has so far received little attention. Drawing on sources from several countries, I argue that it was Moldovan’s experience on the Galician front that moulded him into a eugenicist. While deployed in Galicia, Moldovan emerged as a leading military expert on typhoid and sexually transmitted disease. Crucially, he also started framing these issues in markedly eugenic terms, as a threat to the “biological capital” of the population. As illustrated by Feldärztliche Blätter, a periodical Moldovan published in Lwów/Lviv/Lemberg, and a large conference of military doctors that he organised there in February 1917, Moldovan brought together a transnational network of medical experts that included Viennese eugenicists, bacteriologists from Imperial Germany and local administrators. Moldovan’s ambiguous eugenic project was shaped by these exchanges. While Viennese eugenicists often recognised diversity and cooperation between various groups, German bacteriology provided Moldovan a much darker imaginary of a contaminated collective body. After his return to the newly enlarged Romania in 1919, Moldovan adapted the eugenic arguments and practices which he developed in wartime Galicia for the goals of Romanian nation-building. Through the prism of Moldovan’s story, my paper thus explores continuities of expert knowledge, networks and practices in the process of post-imperial transitions.

Catherine Gousseff

Polish-Ukrainian Population Exchange (1944–46): People’s Experiences between “Repatriation” and “Deportation”

The creation of the new Polish-Soviet border from the autumn of 1944 was marked by a new principle: to make the ethnic settlements align with the political borders. Between Poland and Ukraine, this principle was concretised by the simultaneous displacement of about one and a half million people (including one million Poles and five hundred thousand Ukrainians) invited to join their tutelary (eponymous) homeland. This displacement of populations began in the autumn of 1944 and was completed in the summer of 1946. Theoretically organised on the principle of voluntary departures, it was in reality marked by various pressures and constraints, and also led to situations of extreme violence. This presentation will distinguish between different sequences (during the war, after the war), and will trace the evolution of these transfers according to the minority groups targeted (Poles from Volhynia, Galicia, Ukrainians from the Lublin region and from south-eastern Poland), by examining the way in which the experience of the displaced persons can be qualified between the two extreme visions of these movements in the period under consideration, i.e. on one hand, the figure of deportation and, on the other, that of banalised repatriation.

Klaudia Kuchno

A Papal Nuncio, a Dwarf and the Grand Duchess of Tuscany. An Exchange of Human Exotica between Poland-Lithuania and Italy in the Late Sixteenth Century

In the early modern period, dwarfs were sought out with great avidity. Many of them entered the courts as gifts from one ruler to another, some were brought by aristocrats seeking favour, others were often bought. Valued and desired by many kings and queens, dwarves held complex positions in courts: from jesters or living curiosities to the most trusted confidants. This paper will explore the story of a female dwarf called Sofia sent from Poland-Lithuania to Florence by a member of the papal diplomatic service in the late sixteenth century; it will illustrate the complexity of contacts between the two states in a cultural and social context.

Arkadiusz Blaszczyk

Spies, Bandits and Renegades. Crimean Tatar and Moldavian Reconnaissance in Poland-Lithuania (Seventeenth Century)

The paper will spotlight the transcultural cooperation in the realm of reconnaissance and espionage. Among others, it will dwell on the figure of Miron Barnovschi, an influential Bukovinian nobleman and hospodar of Moldavia (1626–1629, 1633), and his network of spies and thugs operating in the Polish-Lithuanian borderlands. There they carried out reconnaissance for Tatar raids, joined the raids themselves or served the raiders as guides. As in the case of the spies, recruited from veterans of Polish campaigns in Moldavia who had permanently settled there, those who helped the Crimean Tatars conduct their raids were oftentimes Polish-Lithuanian captives and renegades. The paper will address the question of how these people were framed in the sources, consisting mainly of interrogation protocols, and what we can learn from them.

Giuseppe Cossuto

Forefather Horse-Riders and Contemporary Nomads: Jan Potocki and His Historical and Ethnological Research as a Source of Knowledge of the Steppe Peoples

Count Jan Potocki (1761–1815) was one of the first scholars to study the ancestors of the Slavic peoples and various other peoples of Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and the Black Sea from an ethnographic, linguistic and historical standpoint. He also lived, during his ethnographical study travels, amongst various Eurasiatic peoples, including the Nogay Tatars, who the Polish Count, in line with the opinion prevalent in the Polish culture of his time, saw as one of the most representative peoples that still practised the “Steppe Aristocracy” way of life (typical of ancient populations such as the Sarmatians). He also came into contact with Cossaks, Kirghisians, Kalmuks, various kinds of Tatars and other populations. During his travels, the Polish Count often pursued diachronic comparative studies of the customs and the traditions of the populations that he encountered and other populations of the past, reported in classical studies. This interesting methodology allowed him to fix and sometimes establish a “multicultural system in movement” through a huge territorial space and through time. He described rules, cultural differences and similarities. The scope of my paper is to analyse and illustrate Potocki’s works, especially the links he made to the Francophone world, as French was the language of universal circulation in the Europe of his time. My research will be based firstly on the analysis of Potocki’s masterpiece: Histoire Primitive des Peuples de la Russie avec une Exposition complete de Toutes les Nations, locales, nationales et traditionelles, necessaires a l’intelligence du quatrieme livre d’Herodote (St. Petersbourg, 1802) and on various Travels and studies that this Polish Herodotus carried out. One of the most interesting discoveries that the Count made was the discovery of strong links between the Nogay Tatars of his time and the most ancient steppe people in the area of the Black Sea.

Renata Vickrey, Ben Tyson

Determinants of Polish Identity: A Comparative Study of Polish Immigrants to the United States and New Zealand

Two survey research projects were conducted in the United States and New Zealand. The objective was to assess the determinants of Polish identity among first- and second-generation born individuals of Polish descent whose parent(s) or grandparent(s) were born in Poland. Factors affecting to what degree their Polish heritage/culture had been retained were discussed. The presentation begins with a brief review of the literature on Polish migration to the United States and New Zealand. This is followed by a description of the research methods used and the findings. The presentation concludes with a detailed comparison of results from the two countries. Findings show that New Zealand respondents tend to have greater knowledge of Polish history/culture and are more apt to celebrate Polish holiday traditions than their U.S. counterparts. In addition, a greater percentage of New Zealand respondents see themselves as having a blended ethnicity (Polish-New Zealanders) compared to those in the United States where a greater percentage identify as solely American. The reasons for these differences are discussed.

Claire Clouet

Seasonal Migrations between Poland and France: A Literary Anthropology of Belonging

As an anthropologist, I am interested in the links between ethnographic and literary narratives. This interest has notably taken the form of writing. Between 2020 and 2022, I composed a fictional narrative based on the lives of my Polish grandparents: A Season for Babcia. I will discuss which ethnographic traces this story explores (sound-recordings, ethnographic notebooks, correspondence, etc.) and how it stages cultural encounters. The narrative deals with both an encounter between Polish grandparents and a local French population from the Paris area in the 1990s, and an encounter between Polish grandparents and a French granddaughter, who later became an anthropologist of migrations. Findings show that New Zealand respondents tend to have greater knowledge of Polish history/culture and are more apt to celebrate Polish holiday traditions than their U.S. counterparts. In addition, a greater percentage of New Zealand respondents see themselves as having a blended ethnicity (Polish-New Zealanders) compared to those in the United States where a greater percentage identify as solely American. The reasons for these differences are discussed.

John Radzilowski

Migrants into Ethnics: Cultural Identities in Transition among Polish, Slovak and Rusyn Migrants in North America, Nineteenth to Twentieth Centuries

I explore the forming and overlapping of cultural identities among migrants to North America from Poland and neighbouring regions by examining numerous cases of migrants who appear to affiliate with other cultural groups or have more than one ethnic identity. Advances beyond the paradigms of “transnational” or “counter-hegemonic” identities by arguing that migrants develop parallel and overlapping identities that reinforce a sense of belonging in North America. These cases are most obvious in people from borderland regions, but the phenomenon can extend beyond these groups. The paper uses case studies from the USA and Canada, where Polish and Slovak immigrants joined organisations and parishes of the other group as well as cases of Polish and Rusyn immigrants who share parishes. Additional examples from other regions of East-Central Europe are discussed. In these cases, immigrants appear to have participated fully in the parishes and groups they joined, while maintaining a sense of being culturally distinct. Within the multicultural milieu of North America, these identities reinforced national or ethnic affiliations.

Andrew Kless

Foals, Farmsteads and Forests: Ecological Encounters in First World War Russian Poland

This paper examines the ecology of occupation in the forms of symbiotic and parasitic relationships developed between humans, animals and the environment in German-occupied Poland from 1914–1918. How was the occupation experienced inter-connectedly by the humans and animals within it? Did the war and subsequent occupation affect the natural environment? How was the environment manipulated to support the occupation? How can an ecological approach reorient historians to the diversity of experiences in Poland during the war? The control of animals – wild and domesticated – was fundamental to the German occupation of Poland and often symbolic of the power dynamics between the occupier and the occupied. Just a few examples include the ordered separation of German- and Polish-bred horses out of fear of disease, the registration of Polish canines on the orders of General Hindenburg and the requisitioning of livestock by the army. The culture of Polish defiance of German authority, for instance, manifested itself in the black-market trade of sought-after horses. The environmental changes caused by the war and occupation on the physical landscape of Poland are still evident. Active military operations shaped the terrain in well-known ways, from the building of trenches to fields pockmarked by artillery. However, the subsequent occupation changed Poland’s landscape and environment in arguably more profound ways. Roads were built, barracks constructed, initiatives to improve agriculture were instigated, and Polish forests were felled for sale to Germany or for military use. However, these forests were just as often preserved and protected for the duration of the war by local Polish and foreign German administrators. Some of these forests may still be enjoyed in Poland today.

Patrice Dabrowski

From Brothers in Arms to Loyal Citizens? Polish-Hutsul Relations during the War and After

The proposed paper will focus on the wartime and post-war contacts between lowland Poles and Hutsul highlanders in the part of the Eastern Carpathians commonly referred to as the Hutsul Region. The encounter began with the experience of members of the Second (“Carpathian” or “Iron”) Brigade of the Polish Legions in the Eastern Carpathians in 1914–15 and their seemingly positive interactions with the local population of Hutsuls. A significant number of Hutsuls secretly trained and fought alongside the Poles for a spell that winter until – at the request of Ukrainian parliamentarians, who learned of the arrangement – the Hutsul soldiers were transferred under lowland Ukrainian control (within the ranks of the Ukrainian Sich Sharpshooters) for the rest of the war. Although part of the Austro-Hungarian armed forces, both the Polish Legions and the Ukrainian Sich Sharpshooters sought to do more than just repel the foreign invaders. Ukrainian national activists considered Hutsuls to be part of the Ukrainian nation; together with at least some Hutsuls, they fought in 1918–1919 to create an independent Ukrainian state in eastern Galicia and beyond. As a result, Polish-Hutsul relations in the early years of the Second Polish Republic were strained (to say the least). Nonetheless, the memory of Polish-Hutsul cooperation during World War I would be in the 1930s as a mere tool in a larger project for turning the Hutsuls into loyal citizens of the interwar state.

Samantha Knapton

“Every Pole has not only a right, but the duty to return to his country”: Post-War Polish Repatriation from British-Occupied Germany

At the end of the Second World War, a sizeable Polish displaced person (DP) community was housed in British-occupied Germany, and although repatriation drives stalled across the summer of 1945, the Allied armies and United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) expected the majority of Polish DPs to return to Poland as soon as possible. Yet, when repatriation became viable by September 1945, the situation in Poland had changed considerably. Many were reluctant to repatriate without knowing more about the new Provisional Government of National Unity, or learning where they would live as a result of significant border changes. Between 1945 and 1947, the Allies and UNRRA tried to encourage repatriation as much as possible. Throughout the summer of 1946, Operation Carrot, created by UNRRA, was instituted as a means to “coerce” voluntary repatriation to Poland. Yet, the numbers returning remained low. By the beginning of 1947, thousands of Polish DPs were still resident across western Germany, many showing few signs of wishing to return but instead waiting for resettlement opportunities to appear. By mid-1947, however, the vast majority of Polish DPs repatriated to a Poland many of them frequently exclaimed was not “their Poland.” In the historiography to date, the issue of repatriation has remained contentious with Operation Carrot standing out as the main repatriation programme. This paper will explore how informal networks across British-occupied Germany worked in collaboration with representatives of the Warsaw Repatriation Mission to ensure repatriation was ultimately the only option for many remaining Polish DPs, the majority of which were children. The lesser-known, but larger and seemingly all-encompassing, repatriation programme Home by Easter will be analysed alongside internal correspondence to show how ad-hoc policy implementation in British-occupied Germany often reinforced the Polish government’s nation-building rhetoric in the DP camps.

Lukas Pohl

Łódź: A New City, New Encounters. The Imperial and Global Framing of a Textile City in Polish Territories, 1860–1914

The prominent former textile city in the present-day heart of Poland, formerly known as “Red Łódź,” was perceived and described in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, especially in Central and Eastern European journalism, as a cultureless, violent “evil city.” In the rapidly growing city, where the population increased almost twenty-fold between the 1860s and 1914 (from 32,000 to over 600,000 inhabitants), security issues were particularly acute from the very beginning. The city was rocked by riots and mass strikes in 1863, 1892 and 1905/06. There were mass lockouts of workers from factories, for example, to which the city responded by sending in troops, and this characterised the cityscape. The lecture will deal with the embedding of the history of the city of Łódź in historical security research and show why the study of this modern, Polish, industrial city could especially benefit from historical security research. When considering the security concepts of a city such as Łódź, numerous questions arise: How could security be established or guaranteed at all in the quadrilingual city, which was rocked by social tensions? Which security actors can be identified and what strategies did they pursue? Among other things, the multi-faceted concepts of the Russian administration to ensure security in the city will be examined. Did the city administration have prejudices against particular languages and ethnic groups? How were everyday life and security practices organised? How did the administration and multilingual private entrepreneurs seek to ensure security? How did this shape the lives and emotional worlds of the population? What changed for the urban population with the admission of a multilingual school system after the uprisings of 1905 and 1906? Which (political) actors were multilingual and which languages did they master?

Henryk Głębocki

The Historical Origin of the Promethean Tradition and Ideas in the Polish Thought of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

The paper at hand outlines the origins of Polish Prometheism. The idea revolved around seeking allies against the Russian Empire among the nations enslaved by Russia – “white” or “red.” The paper describes the main development streams of those concepts from the beginning of the eighteenth century. It depicts them using examples obtained from archival research known to only the few. The programme modernised by Piłsudski at the end of the nineteenth century and adjusted to the era of mass social movements had a long tradition. Its most prominent representatives during the Great Migration in the nineteenth century were Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski from the right wing and Maurycy Mochnacki from the left wing. Those ideas have their roots in the eighteenth century. The first outline of Promethean politics can be found in Ukrainian thought as early as the beginning of the eighteenth century. It was included in the projects of Cossack Hetman Pylyp Orlyk, the successor of Ivan Mazepa, when he was in exile after the defeat at Poltava in 1709. Orlyk continued the programme of an independent country of Cossacks from the River Dnieper in the form of a union or alliance with the Republic of Poland or Sweden. Subsequently, Bar Confederates referred to those concepts while trying to gain the support of Crimean Tatars. In turn, Maurycy Beniowski, a confederate and exile who escaped from Kamchatka, found anti-tsar forces even in the remote areas of Siberia. In the Napoleonic era, the ideas expressed by Prometheism in the form of plans to destroy the Russian Empire had to endure the “great captivity” of the nineteenth century. They were used and developed by subsequent generations, who joined the struggle for an independent Poland and looked for allies in nations threatened by Russian imperialism until the times of the Second Polish Republic. How could security be established or guaranteed at all in the quadrilingual city, which was rocked by social tensions? Which security actors can be identified and what strategies did they pursue? Among other things, the multi-faceted concepts of the Russian administration to ensure security in the city will be examined. Did the city administration have prejudices against particular languages and ethnic groups? How were everyday life and security practices organised? How did the administration and multilingual private entrepreneurs seek to ensure security? How did this shape the lives and emotional worlds of the population? What changed for the urban population with the admission of a multilingual school system after the uprisings of 1905 and 1906? Which (political) actors were multilingual and which languages did they master?

Katarzyna Nowak

Displaced Persons and Western Aid Workers in Post-WWII Europe. Encounters and Cultural Exchanges

During and after the Second World War, refugees from Eastern Europe became exposed to the rehabilitation projects of both the Western Allies and their own national elites. As victims of Nazi persecution, classified as Displaced Persons or DPs, they obtained international and governmental aid. They were placed in camps run by the UNRRA (United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration) and, later on, the IRO (International Refugee Organisation). After gathering DPs in the relative safety of camps, military men and aid workers started to tackle “the second R,” or rehabilitation. Their aim was to produce citizens able to take part in rebuilding war-torn countries. Social elites joined the lament on the need to strengthen and regenerate the displaced victims of war, who were be integrated into the national body. The language of the era was suffused with the vocabulary of “fallen civilisation” and “barbaric practices.” The focus on civilisation came from a long tradition of orientalising and othering Eastern Europe and its inhabitants. It translated into a series of practices to wash, feed and change behaviours of refugees to help and prepare them for living in modern societies. In this talk, I explore the dynamics of cultural encounters between aid workers, decision-makers and DPs in Allied-occupied Germany and Austria, looking at how they negotiated intervention practices centring around the issues of health and cleanliness, motherhood and professional training. Drawing on the toolkit of cultural history to combine institutional and bottom-up perspectives, I show how such external interventions, carried out by experts and leaders ranging from nutrition experts to priests, coexisted with grassroots initiatives by refugees to rebuild their lives and find their place in new societies. The main body of primary sources used in this research comes from the collections of the United Nations Archives, the Arolsen Archives and the Archives of Modern Records in Warsaw.

Jurgita Verbickienė

Settlements of Disputes in a Foreign Court. Settlements of Cases Involving Jews in the Magdeburg Courts of the Towns in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

The presentation seeks to draw attention to the emerging trend in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (mostly in the Seventeenth and eighteenth centuries). At that time, the principle of the defendant’s court was applied whereby the Jewish plaintiff was summoned to the Magdeburg court of the defendant. The defendant’s court became a compromise phenomenon that reflected the day-to-day jurisprudence of the towns of that era. The topic is yet to be fully studied by historiographers. The fundamental change in the system came with the arrival of the Jews, who often entered an unfavourable urban environment and avoided trials presided by Christian judges. In such circumstances, the Lithuanian Statute was the main source of law (chronologically, the third edition of 1588). The same acquis would apply in other mixed – Christian and Jewish – court cases. However, there were exceptions to this rule, such as trials involving blood libel accusations. Such cases (albeit a small number) were heard by the Magdeburg court. There were reasons for this: under state law and the privileges granted to the Jews, it was virtually impossible to hear such cases in state courts. In this case, the transfer of such cases to the Magdeburg court disregarded the primacy of state law, and the Magdeburg court was used in the prosecution of the Jews for blood libel, especially in sentencing. The presentation raises issues of the defendant’s court procedure and the course of proceedings, the choice of law and the legal conduct of litigants.

Ruth Leiserowitz

How the Border Influenced Economic Life. Vistytis in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century

On the basis of tax records from the years 1820–35, it is shown how the citizens of Vistytis lived, how they earned their living and how specific the situation of the town was given its proximity to the border with Prussia. The presentation covers a number of internal and external factors. Socio-historical analysis offers research opportunities for comparative studies involving other border regions.

Andrej Ryčkov

Reaching the Prussian Market: Transport Infrastructure and Transport Routes in Samogitia at the End of the Eighteenth Century

This paper analyses archival data from the Treasury Commission of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It aims to reconstruct the network of Samogitian infrastructure used for the transport of goods into the Prussian market, and to determine the intensity of freight traffic at local and regional levels.

Martynas Jakulis

People from the Other Side: Perceptions of the Inhabitants of the Borderland between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Prussia in the Eighteenth Century

Using the decrees of the kings of Prussia, as well as the reports of the Treasury Commission of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the paper focuses on the perceptions of the inhabitants of the Lithuanian-Prussian borderland. The paper aims to examine how the public officials of both countries perceived the people from the other side of the border and their various – legal as well as illegal – economic activities in the borderland region in the eighteenth century.

Aivaras Poška

The Inn that Controls the Border. Customs Officials Residing at Inns in the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century

The sources of the second half of the eighteenth century mention that customs officials that resided at inns and controlled the Grand Duchy of Lithuania-Prussia border made the inn an integral part of the GDL-Prussia border control infrastructure. This presentation aims to examine the phenomenon of inns that served as border control posts on the GDL-Prussian border, identifying their role in the GDL border control system and the ways these inns operated. Special attention is given to the social status of customs officers residing at these inns.

Alberto Giordano

A Spatial Humanities Approach to Studying Borderlands: Methods and Models

In this presentation, I will introduce and discuss a representational and analytical model to explore the historical geographies of the borderlands between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) and Prussia in the late 1700s. The main source for this research is a series of manuscripts that contain descriptions of customs’ infrastructure facilities, administration and activities, including the export and import of a variety of products, the actions of merchants and the measures taken to curb smuggling. The methods and tools used in the project, including mapping and GIS analysis, corpus linguistics and qualitative spatial representation (QSR), allow one to assess the state of the GDL’s customs organisation and to address issues of geographical data accuracy and uncertainty that are difficult to resolve using historical documents of this kind.

Malgorzata Fidelis

Gender and Working-Class History in Poland

This presentation will discuss the analytical category of gender and its uses in historical studies of working-class culture. My aim is two-fold. First, I will talk about how perspectives on working-class culture changed in recent decades upon the integration of gender analysis. The departure point for this discussion will be Joan Scott’s observation in the mid-1980s that “one is struck not by the absence of women” in classical narratives of working-class history such as E.P. Thompson’s The Making of the English Working Class, “but by the awkward way in which [women] figure there.” Second, I will discuss possible ways of integrating gender into the narratives of workers’ history in Poland. The overarching argument of this presentation is that women and gender identity were central to the industrial revolution, the creation of industrial society and class formation across the globe. Drawing on the historical experience of female workers, I will propose ways to re-conceptualise the history of working-class culture to encompass both productive and reproductive labour, and gender as critical to the self-understanding of working class communities in Poland and beyond.

Martin Andersson

The Mystifying Peasant: Early Modern and Modern Ways to Describe the Rural Population

“Peasants” is a word most often used by historians writing in English to denote the rural population during the premodern era. However, Scandinavian scholars use the term in a particular sense, only referring to landed and tax-paying men that were called bonde by the early moderns themselves. In this paper, I argue that this double use of the bonde–peasant word produces a distorted picture of early modern peasant cultures north and west of the Baltic Sea. While early modern Swedes sometimes used the word bonde to exaggerate Swedish freedom compared to the unfree peasants living under Polish rule in Livonia, its use by modern historians creates a vision of the rural past as uncomplicated and undivided, peasants as a homogeneous group or class with “peasant communities” having one common interest. It has further led historical demographers, relying on taxation lists that only count the tax-paying bonde, to underestimate the number of people living in the countryside. The paper thus argues for a critical interpretation of early modern rural occupations, and calls for a renewed discussion of how historians may translate such fundamental yet culturally specific terms into English.

Karin Friedrich

Brandenburg or Magnate Diplomacy? Bogusław Radziwił as an Intermediary between Berlin and Warsaw (post 1657)

A Lithuanian magnate, Bogusław Radziwiłł (1620–1669), who descended from a Hohenzollern princess and one of Poland-Lithuania’s most influential Reformed magnate families, is infamous as a “traitor” for his collaboration with the Swedes during the Polish-Swedish war of 1655–1660. Under pressure from Frederick William, Elector of Brandenburg, who appointed him governor of the Duchy of Prussia in 1657, Radziwiłł received an amnesty from the Polish crown. The paper will assess the success or failure of Radziwiłł’s attempt to walk a tight rope between the policies of the Warsaw court towards Prussia, Electoral Brandenburg diplomatic interests and his own.

Roman Ivashko

The Latin Archdiocese of Lwów/Lviv in Relation to Christians of the Greek Rite during the Reign of King Władysław II Jagiełło

The formation of the structures of the Archdiocese of Lwów/Lviv, according to sources, was designed to stop the actions of the Teutonic Order and to promote the conversion of Eastern Christians to Catholicism. There was to be only one Latin bishop in the diocese/eparchy in the ecclesiastical province of Lwów/Lviv. King Władysław II Jagiełło of Poland acknowledged on a few occasions that he made donations to the Latin clergy of the archdiocese for their assistance in the conversion of Eastern Christians to the Latin faith. Royal donations to the clergy were also given in gratitude for military victories. Moreover, the Archbishop of Lwów/Lviv, Jan Rzeszowski, received inquisitorial powers to break the union of the Ruthenians and the Hussites. Besides, all Christians who owned land under Magdeburg law had to pay tithes to the archbishop. At the same time, for their recognition of the royal authority of the Jagiellonian dynasty, Christians of the Eastern rite were guaranteed rights to parishes of the Greek rite in the countryside.

Joshua Zimmerman

Piłsudski’s Policy of Equilibrium, 1930–1934

This poster presentation examines the origins and evolution of Józef Piłsudski’s foreign policy between the Treaty of Locarno in 1925 and the German-Polish Non-Aggression Pact in 1934. I demonstrate that Piłsudski’s decision to normalise relations with Nazi Germany was the direct outcome of the weakening resolve among Western democracies to adhere to its obligations to guarantee the German-Polish frontier. Otherwise known as the Policy of Equilibrium or the Policy of Balance, Piłsudski’s new orientation in foreign policy followed the 1925 Treaty of Locarno, whereby Germany formally recognised the French and Belgium borders, but refused the same recognition for Poland and Czechoslovakia. Piłsudski concluded that France was more interested in improving relations with Germany than in adhering to the 1921 French-Polish Accord that guaranteed each other’s borders. Poland’s foreign minister at the time, Alexander Skrzyński, remarked to the French ambassador to Warsaw that Locarno represented “a dagger thrust in the back of the alliance between our two countries.” After frequent changes in the French government, the new French prime minister in 1931, Pierre Laval, openly expressed the view that long-term peace in Europe could not be achieved without the return of the Polish Corridor to Germany. Piłsudski responded to Laval’s remarks by communicating to US President Herbert Hoover that Poland would defend every inch of land regardless of the opinions of any foreign country. With growing sympathy in Western diplomatic circles for German revisionism, Piłsudski went about normalizing relations with his two giant neighbours. The first such act was the signing of the Polish-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact in July 1932. Unlike Weimar Germany, which committed itself to resolving the territorial dispute with Poland solely through diplomatic channels, the newly appointed chancellor of Germany (in January 1933), Adolf Hitler, initially threatened force when he told a British newspaper two weeks after taking power that “the Polish Corridor must be restored.” Piłsudski responded by proposing that France and Poland wage a joint Preventive War to remove Hitler from power. France not only refused, but made it clear that in the event of German aggression against Poland, France would not intervene militarily. Hitler was taken aback by Piłsudski’s threat of force against Nazi Germany, especially since Germany was still de-militarised back then. The result was the German-Polish Declaration (non-aggression pact) signed in January 1934, in which both countries agreed to refrain from war for a period of ten years. These pacts with Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia made Poland a major player in international affairs, leading France in April 1934 to dispatch its foreign minister on the first state visit to Warsaw since Poland had become independent. As Marek Kornat convincingly demonstrates, the French policy of appeasing Germany in the period 1925–1933 gave Piłsudski no alternative but to normalise relations with his two larger neighbours.

Nadiia Honcharenko

Polish Solidarity in a Ukrainian Context: From Silencing Its “Anti-Soviet Activities” to Praising It as an Exemplary Democratic Movement (the Discursive Specificities of Ukraine’s Academic, Political and Artistic Communities)

Ukrainian historians tended not to pay too much attention to Poland’s Solidarity movement up until the early 1990s; it remained unclear what their public position was. Academic publications of the Institute of History of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences dedicated to foreign history published surprisingly few articles on “socialist” Poland, compared to other East European countries. Those published were mainly about the USSR’s “brotherly” assistance to the Polish people re-building their country after it had been destroyed by “fascists” during the Second World War. In the 1980s, the unauthorised dissemination of unofficial information about Polish Solidarity was treated as anti-Soviet propaganda and persecuted by the KGB, as some recently released documents from former KGB archives show. Since 1989, there were active contacts between Solidarity and the Ukrainian pro-independence movement known as the Rukh. The situation has changed remarkably since 1991. Polish Solidarity, in power in their country at the time, became a showcase for successful democratic movements in virtually all anti-communist political forces in Ukraine; the reformist activities of the Polish government were perceived as a recipe for the transition to a post-communist reality. My paper will offer a detailed description of this transformation of perceptions of the Solidarity movement. Special attention will be paid to its perception in the humanitarian academic community, as well as among Ukrainian politicians, writers and artists.

Mykola Genyk

The Promethean Vision of Eastern Europe in Polish Political Thought after World War II

Poland had experience in Promethean activities in the interwar period. After World War II, in Polish political thought, there was clearly a link between independence and changes in other Eastern European countries. Two visions clashed: the Soviet (Russian) vision, according to which Eastern Europe was within Moscow’s sphere of influence, and the Polish one, which envisaged the transformation of the Soviet empire into independent nation-states. The Paris-based Kultura (J. Giedroyć, J. Mieroszewski) played a leading role in shaping the new concept of the Polish eastern policy. The prerequisite for geopolitical change was either to seek reconciliation with the eastern neighbours or solve the issue of borders and national minorities. Ukrainian dissidents (W. Stus, W. Moroz) saw in the Polish opposition movement an element capable of destroying the entire socialist camp. An important initiative towards forging an understanding with eastern neighbours was the “Proposal of a Common Position towards the Polish-Ukrainian, Polish-Belarusian and Polish-Lithuanian border.” The agreement was reached in Paris in 1987 between several centres of the Polish opposition and an envoy of the Ukrainian government in exile. The new concept of the Polish eastern policy was conducive to geopolitical change in the region.The situation has changed remarkably since 1991. Polish Solidarity, in power in their country at the time, became a showcase for successful democratic movements in virtually all anti-communist political forces in Ukraine; the reformist activities of the Polish government were perceived as a recipe for the transition to a post-communist reality. My paper will offer a detailed description of this transformation of perceptions of the Solidarity movement. Special attention will be paid to its perception in the humanitarian academic community, as well as among Ukrainian politicians, writers and artists.

Oksana Yatsyshyna

Ukraine’s Choice between West and East. Historical and Cultural Interpretation as an Instrument of Political Manipulation

Ukraine is an indicative and symbolic victim of hybrid war. Paradoxes of the national image and manipulation of the historical heritage are becoming the basis of geopolitical influence on mass consciousness, mainly of the younger generation. History in the service of politics (historical memory) has been one of the foundations of Ukrainian politics since Ukraine’s independence. The use of history and historical memory by state leaders as a weapon against domestic political competitors, as well as in foreign policy, has become an extremely destructive feature of Ukraine’s political life. Two opposite conceptual views on Ukrainian history and the use of memory as a weapon against domestic political competitors and in international affairs are the topics proposed for consideration.

Olena Kozakevych

Hutsul Art Collections in Polish Museums

Many collections of decorative folk art of ethnographic groups from Ukraine are stored in Polish museums. Information on their origin, typological variety, techniques and the décor is provided. These collections differ in the number of items and the state of their preservation. The historical value of the collections is emphasised by the genesis of their objects – they mostly originate from the last quarter of the nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth centuries. These collections were formed in different ways. First items were donated mainly by patrons or from private collections; they were also bought during ethnographic trips and brought by settlers. My research in museums and scientific institutions in Poland has shown that the Hutsul Region, otherwise known as the Carpathian Region, is one of the most deeply studied historical and ethnographic territories of Ukraine. For almost two centuries, mountain landscapes and Hutsul traditional culture and folk art have attracted and fascinated both professionals and amateurs. The legends of the Hutsul Region, the hospitality of the highlanders, their “wild” archaism, which manifested itself mainly in customs, rituals and art, attracted growing attention in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The region also incorporated influences and anticipated tourist needs. To some extent, this created the mythology of the Hutsul Region and the captivating effect it had on its visitors and enthusiasts. The most valuable collections of Hutsul art today are stored in Kraków: in the Seweryn Udziela Ethnographic Museum and the National Museum. However, the history of these collections is connected with the history of the Technical and Industrial Museum in Kraków. After its liquidation in 1950, these collections became part of the National Museum holdings. TIM labels indicate the original source of the items. Part of the EMK collection from 1939 was recorded as a deposit of the NMK, and in 1989 most of the ethnographic collection was transferred to the EMK (since ethnographic items should be stored in museums with the appropriate profile). However, part of these ethnographic items is still stored at the NMK today. Thus, Hutsul collections (excluding agricultural equipment) in Polish museums feature a plethora of ceramics (however, Pokuttia region ceramics often are included in Hutsul colections), Easter eggs, clay or wax sculpture, clothing, folk fabrics, carpet weaving, jewellery, clothing accessories, smoking accessories, weapons, etc. Almost all the items come from the territory of the so-called “Galician Hutsul Region.” |This is because in the late nineteenth century and especially in the 1920s and 1930s this part of the Hutsul Region was the most studied and popularised by ethnographers, artists or tourists. However, some items marked as “Hutsul” are in fact from the Bukovina or Pokuttia Regions. To some extent, this is due to the fact that inventory books often provide the origin of donors or the place where the item was purchased. Sometimes it is questionable whether all the items can be classified as folk, or whether the influences of professional art and urban culture should be taken into account. In view of the above, issues of historical and socio-cultural influences, as well as border issues, are important. The diversity of Hutsul collections in Polish museums is demonstrated by numerous exhibitions held in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. These veritable showcases of both the unique skills of the highlanders and one of Poland’s many national styles never fail to attract visitors.

Olga Gaidai

Sources of the Formation and Coverage of the History of the Polish Ethnos in the Museums of the City of Mykolaiv

The relevance of the problem is determined by the importance of society’s awareness of the need to popularise museums as a place for the preservation and translation of historical memory. The city of Mykolaiv is multinational and multicultural. It was built as the flagship of the shipbuilding industry in southern Russia in 1789. The orders and instructions of Empress Catherine II opened the way for many foreign colonists, including the Polish, to enter the Black Sea territories. Modern museums in Mykolaiv reveal the history of Polish settlements, communities, political parties, the history of resistance movements and cultural life. The Polish community in Mykolaiv in the early twentieth century accounted for 4% of the population and had a significant impact on cultural and political life. The main sources for the creation of the collections and the formation of exhibitions were documents from the State Archive of the Mykolaiv Region, personal belongings, memoirs, materials of ethnographic expeditions, etc. The exhibition aimed to present the history of the Polish ethnos of Mykolaiv through the prism of museum expositions and to emphasise the importance of the humanistic and communicative function of the museum.

Ulrike Lang

Beyond Orientalism? The Adoption of Modern Postural Yoga Practices in Poland after 1956

The transnational diffusion of Modern Postural Yoga (Elizabeth de Michelis) has been analysed thus far with respect to Western, predominantly Anglophone societies, while Central and Eastern European countries have largely been ignored. The case of Poland, however, provides insights into actor-driven, cross-cultural knowledge transmission complicating the paradigm of Orientalism. Until the mid-1960s, Polish popular media depicted yoga as a bewildering, fakir-like practice unsuitable for adaptation by Polish citizens. This changed when postural yoga practices were introduced to Poland by efforts of the Bihar School of Yoga from Munger/India. The school sought to globally promote the yoga of the Sivananda tradition by legitimizing it as a health practice and building a network of yoga teachers. Dancer Malina Michalska was the first Pole to receive a yoga teaching certificate in 1967, allowing her to open a yoga school in Warsaw. In subsequent years, biomedical research into the health benefits of postural yoga thrived at the Universities of Physical Education in Warsaw and Poznań. My work investigates how Polish yoga practitioners and researchers became part of the project of universalising yoga practices by means of “cleansing” yoga and its oriental, spiritual overtones. However, while utilising yoga for holistic wellbeing, they perpetuated the trope of India as the perennial and harmonic East.

Daniel Hrenciuc

The “Little Poland” of Romania

The first distinct Polish communities in Romania emerged at the end of the eighteenth century, when, with the dissolution of the independent Polish state, compact groups of Poles settled mainly in Bukovina, where they formed distinctly ethnic settlements, and also in Bessarabia and the Romanian Principalities. The connections between Poles in Romanian territories and their motherland were preserved through language, the Catholic Church and common ethno-cultural and historical traditions. Due to its unique location at the crossroads of Byzantine, Slavic and Central European cultural influences, the history of Polish settlement in Bukovina is of special importance to the history of this province and, subsequently, to the history of Romania as a whole. In this context, the Poles have made a special contribution, especially in cultural and religious fields, to the initiation and perpetuation of the spiritual treasure of Bukovina, nicknamed “the Switzerland of the East” by specialists. Even today, most Poles in Romania live in distinct ethnic communities unique to southern Bukovina (in the Suceava County). In the eighteenth century, groups of Poles from Galicia arrived in Bukovina, attracted by living conditions and much lighter tax burdens. A significant number of Poles who settled in Bukovina were brought by the Austrian imperial authorities interested in capitalising on the riches of this region (ores, salt, forests), which formed the north-eastern part of Moldavia. In order to exploit these natural resources of the region, Emperor Joseph II (1780–1790) brought a large number of Poles to Bukovina. The first Polish colonists were mining specialists from Bochnia and Wieliczka, who were brought to extract the Cacica salt deposit. They were later followed by wood and glass craftsmen and railway workers. Simultaneously, teachers and ministers of the Catholic Church arrived in newly-created Polish communities in Bukovina. They mainly came from the regions of Bochnia and Kalush (present-day Ukraine). The Poles who moved to Bukovina hailed from the góral (highlander) communities from the region of Czadca (present-day Slovakia), and they settled in the villages of Solonețu Nou, Poiana Micului, Pleșa (in the Suceava County) and Laurenca, Davideni-Zrab, Dunawiec (the present-day Chernivtsi Region, Ukraine). The Poles from the Kiusca River valley settled in Panca, Pătrăuții de Jos (the area called Arșița) and the village of Păltinoasa. Over time, a Polish majority emerged in numerous villages such as Cacica, Solonețu Nou, Pleșa, Bulai (Moara), Ruda (Vicșani), Păltinoasa (in the Suceava County), Tereblecea, Davideni-Zrab, Huta-Veche, Pătrăuții de Jos, Crăsnișoara Veche (the Chernivtsi Region). The Bukovinian Poles set up numerous cultural organisations and associations which aimed to celebrate and spread Polish values. These included “Polish Houses,” which functioned in most of the Polish-inhabited Bukovina villages. The centre of cultural activity of the Bukovinian Poles was the city of Chernivtsi (present-day Ukraine). A particular role was played by numerous reading societies (cabinets) (Czytelnia Polska) in historic Bukovina. After the union of Bukovina with Romania (15th/28th November 1918), the number of Bukovinian Poles decreased (34,119 people in 1919, compared to 36,210 people in 1910), as some of them returned to their motherland, which regained independence on 11th November 1918. In interwar Bessarabia, there were compact communities of Poles in present-day Chișinău, Khotyn, Tighina and Bilhorod-Dnistrovskyi. The Jan Sobieski organisation, led by Roman Biskup, operated successfully in Chișinău. In the old Kingdom of Romania, the number of Poles was slightly higher in Bucharest (1,300–1,600 people) than elsewhere in the country. The Adam Mickiewicz Polish Cultural Society was established in the capital.

Lilia Zabolotnaia

History of Moldovan-Polish Relations: Historiographic Aspects

Unfortunately, questions related to the appearance and resettlement of Poles in Moldovan territories have been, until now, one of the most understudied historiographic issues. Most modern Moldovan historians are of the opinion that Poles arrived in Moldova in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, after the dismemberment of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In our opinion, this point of view is erroneous, since written and material sources testify that Poles had lived in Moldova since the very beginning of the Moldovan state. In the Middle Ages and early modern times, this was facilitated by a series of factors (geopolitical, geographical, trade and economic, ethno-confessional, etc.). After the last partition of the Commonwealth (1795), a new stage began in Moldovan-Polish relations. From the end of the eighteenth century and throughout the nineteenth century, there were several waves of migration of Poles, especially after the uprisings (1830–1831, 1863–1864), which led to mass resettlements and the emergence of a compact settlement of Poles in Bessarabia. Deprived of statehood, the Poles did not lose their national dignity and integrity as a people. They demonstrated their unique ability to preserve the Polish language, culture, the identity of Polish customs and traditions and high confessional commitment.

Bogdan Schipor

The Polish Working-Class Movement in Romanian Diplomatic Reports, 1925–1938. A Story about Communist Plots, Conspiracies and Propaganda in the Shadow of the Bilateral Alliance

The alliance with Poland was the first that the government in Bucharest concluded in the interwar period. The political document signed on 3rd March 1921 was accompanied by a military convention and a secret annex containing three protocols. However, neither Warsaw nor Bucharest saw the alliance as an arrangement capable of offering full guarantees. That said, the bilateral alliance offered both states more confidence in fighting a large external enemy – Soviet Russia and later the Soviet Union. But it was not only that well-known external enemy that troubled the two allied states. Equally important were the communist ideas, propaganda and movements that manifested themselves in Poland and Romania in the interwar period. In this sense, our study focuses on the way in which Romanian diplomacy and state institutions perceived, highlighted and analysed the way the Polish working-class movement, as well as the propaganda and instruments of the Komintern and Moscow, acted and manifested themselves in Poland. All this happened in a volatile context, with the always looming danger of communist contagion. Bucharest’s interest in this issue was constant, and Romanian diplomats stationed in Poland were the first to provide information, analysis, views and opinions.

Olimpia Mitric

Polonica in Romania (Fifteenth–Twentieth Centuries)

The research project “Polonica in Romania (Fifteenth–Twentieth Centuries)” allowed us to discover multiple testimonies to Romanian-Polish connections: old books, manuscripts and documents in libraries and archives in Moldova. Recently, we also began to investigate major libraries in Bucharest and Transylvania, which offer more extensive book collections than those in Moldova. Only a small part of these collections has been catalogued or digitised. These valuable holdings bear the imprint of great figures of Polish history and culture, and they should be in scientific circulation to complement and enrich Polish cultural heritage. To limit ourselves only to one of the most prominent libraries in Moldova, the “V. A. Urechia” Library in Galați (whose initial fond was donated by the scholar Vasile Alexandrescu Urechia [1834–1901]): its oldest print is Chronica Polonorum by Maciej Miechowita, printed in Kraków in 1521. V.A. Urechia would frequently purchase books (especially history books, including fundamental works on the history of the peoples of Europe) from Vienna or Paris. Naturally, the library holdings (more than 50 documents) on the Great Polish Emigration in Paris also come from Vienna or Paris.

Hanna Kozinska-Witt

Jews in the Municipal Authorities of the Second Polish Republic: Kraków, Poznań and Warsaw

In this poster, I would like to present the results of my research published in the book: Jüdische Stadtdeputierte in der Zweiten Polnischen Republik: Projekte-Strategien-Dynamiken (Göttingen 2021). Before the First World War, Kraków, Poznań and Warsaw were administrative centres located in the states of the three partitioning powers. They varied in their administrative systems, their approach to local government and the status of the Jewish population. The proportion of Jews in the cities was also different: whereas in Poznań, Jews comprised only slightly more than 1% of the residents, in Kraków and Warsaw they accounted for approximately a quarter and a third of the population, respectively. In the period of democratic elections, this factored into the strength of the representation that they could secure in local government. An interesting question is to what extent the liberal imperial traditions of the partition era continued to be binding and influenced the later work of local governments. The study involved, firstly, examining the results of the municipal government elections, the coalitions built within the councils and the issues tackled by Jewish local councillors. It then investigated the effectiveness of the interventions, measured by the size of municipal subsidies designated for Jewish institutions. My analyses show that elections to municipal self-governments had a much broader social basis than those to the Polish parliament (e.g. through the participation of Bund). On the other hand, the developments in city councils visualised the ongoing process of “othering”: this meant that Jewish councillors were excluded from the general municipal agenda and their activities were reduced to Jewish community matters only.

Andrea Dahlquist

The Ukrainian Minority in Newly Created Poland and Greater Romania: A Comparative Study

This paper aims to examine in a comparative way the efforts of the Ukrainian minority to solve the challenges they faced, and to analyse the measures adopted by the Polish and Romanian authorities to secure the rights that this ethnic group gained through the Minority Treaties. The research is mainly based on documents identified at the Diplomatic Archives of the Foreign Ministry of Affairs of Romania. The aim is to explore the following questions: what are the similarities and differences between the Polish and Romanian agenda regarding the integration of minorities after the First World War? How did the Ukrainian minority from both countries act in order to get their rights respected and to adapt to new realities? What challenges did this ethnic group from Poland and Romania face? The end of the First World War brought the collapse of the German, Russian, Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires, while several nations gained their independence, others extended their territory and new states were created. The Second Polish Republic and Greater Romania are a case in point. Both countries incorporated a large number of minorities (Poland 31.2%, Romania 28.8%), and the process of their integration into the state system represented a challenge for both the ethnic groups and the authorities. One significant minority to be found in Poland and Romania after 1918 was the Ukrainian population, which was mostly concentrated in Galicia, Volhynia, Bessarabia and Bukovina. These territories had several features in common: they were all formerly parts of an empire (Galicia and Bukovina belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, while Volhynia and Bessarabia were annexed by the Russian Empire) and had a multinational composition. Neither Poland nor Romania was prepared to accept and tolerate their minorities, and the conservative views of the politicians raised disappointment among Ukrainian representatives, ecclesiastic institutions and private individuals, which mainly struggled for their education, linguistic and confessional rights. Most of the time, they exposed the abuse of their minority rights in a peaceful manner, e.g. by sending memorandums to the League of Nations in Geneva. However, incidents where the protests descended into violence also happened, and they sometimes resulted in the loss of human life. Ukrainian nationalists, Russian ambitions and media propaganda also influenced the daily lives of the Ukrainian minority in Poland and Romania.

Olga Morozova

Archive Records as a Source Material for the Study of the History of the Polish Minority in Ukraine (the Fond of the State Archive of the Mykolaiv Oblast)

The south of Ukraine is a special region in that is distinguished by its multi-ethnicity. The pride of place in the history of southern Ukraine goes to the Polish national minority, whose history is still present in the region by virtue of place names, architectural monuments, works of art, culture, etc. A clear expression of Polish culture is the Mykolaiv Oblast. According to the 1920 census, 7,553 people of Polish nationality lived there. The State Archives of Mykolaiv have preserved 259 groups and 74,326 archival units from the pre-revolutionary period. Among them are separate record books of the Roman Catholic Cathedral in Mykolaiv, documents of the city Duma containing information about the existence of a Polish suburb in Mykolaiv, a Polish hospital, Polish organisations, the Polish Office at the Department of National Minorities of the Mykolaiv Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks of Ukraine, the Polish Drama Circle and the Polish Drama Society, the City School, Polish newspapers, etc. Investigative cases against Polish activists, most notably the clergy of the Roman Catholic Cathedral in Mykolaiv, are of particular interest. Research on preserved archival documents could shed light on many questions pertaining to the history of Poles in Ukraine.

Shaul Stampfer

The Demography of Polish-Lithuanian Jewry and Its Divergence and Convergence with Patterns of Historic East-Central Europe

I want to understand why there were so many Jews in Poland in the modern period. Of course, there is a simple answer: Jews had many babies and many of these babies survived – generation after generation. Now that we have answered this question, all that remains is to explain why this was the case. It is here that this project becomes complicated. The question becomes more interesting when one begins to compare. One natural option is to compare Jewish populations in the East to Jewish communities in the West. In 1500, the sizes of the Jewish population of the Polish Lithuanian lands and that of the West European Jewish population were roughly similar. In 1900, the Jewish population of the Polish-Lithuanian lands was roughly larger by an order of magnitude. That is a significant difference. This suggests that knowing that a given population is Jewish does not give a strong indication of what their population growth will be. The other obvious choice for comparison is to look at the behaviour of Jewish populations in light of the behaviour of local non-Jewish populations. In other words, to focus on local conditions. It is difficult to compare Jewish to urban “burgher” communities because of the impact of migration on urban populations. If we compare Jews to peasants, we find that both populations in Poland-Lithuania grew relatively quickly – but the Jewish population grew faster. Here it seems that something about their being Jewish had an impact. The question is: What? In the presentation, I show that the best predictor of population growth rates in East European Jewry was opportunities for employment that made marriage feasible. The opening up of new employment opportunities in the form of inn-keeping and alcohol sales that were the product of new technologies and the old feudal system had a major impact on these rates. At the same time, it should be remembered that the feudal system hindered economic development in Polish-Lithuanian society as a whole.

Darius Staliunas

The Polish Influence in Lithuania and Belarus at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century – Russian Perceptions

This paper reconstructs the attitude of tsarist government officials towards the role of Poles in Lithuania and Belarus in late Imperial Russia. To begin with, the focus is on specific ideological constructs: the place of this region on Russian mental maps, visions of the empire and the criteria influencing the imagined hierarchy of enemies. These constructs had a vast influence on how tsarist officials saw the Polish influence in Lithuania and Belarus. The second part of the paper discusses specific case studies: changes of denomination, debates on the language of instruction for the Catholic faith in state schools, the possibility to learn Polish in primary schools in the Grodno province, zemstvo (local self-government) and the vicissitudes of founding a university. These situations show that the Russian government realised that it could subjugate Poles only if it resorted to administrative (repressive) means.

Isaac Nakhimovsky

Bentham, Czartoryski and the Enlightenment Origins of the Holy Alliance

In June 1815, the radical English philosopher and jurist Jeremy Bentham presented Emperor Alexander I of Russia with a detailed description of a legal process for promulgating a new constitution for Poland. Bentham’s constitutional theory, and the circumstances that led him to present it to Alexander, help reveal the Enlightenment origins of the Holy Alliance, inaugurated by the Russian Emperor later that year. Even into the 1820s, the Holy Alliance –now most familiar as a label for conspiratorial reaction – was regarded by many liberals, including Bentham’s Polish collaborator Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, as part of a process for introducing national representative institutions throughout Europe. Tracing the history of Czartoryski’s partnership with Bentham, which was preceded by his collaboration with his former tutor Scipione Piattoli, helps understand these claims by situating them in a broader context: one in which patriotic hopes were invested in the “federative power,” or the capacity of states to construct new external relationships. For many late-eighteenth-century thinkers – particularly those engaging with the thought of the influential Swiss jurist Emer de Vattel –federative politics held out the possibility of shielding social life from potentially explosive conflicts over elemental questions of sovereignty and justice. Legally codified under the guidance of international public opinion, federative power also promised to supply a pathway for constitutional reform and even the emergence of a federal Europe. The history of Czartoryski’s partnership with Bentham connects this liberal idea of the Holy Alliance to a constitutionalism that was defined by its critics as a plot to suppress national sovereignty, but could also be understood as reviving the federal ideals of the 1780s. The disappointment of Czartoryski’s efforts in the 1820s underlines the need to understand both the promise and the problems of federative politics.

Monika Matwiejczuk

The Multidenominational Character of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: The Seventeenth-Century French Travellers’ Perspective

The aim of this paper is to analyse the religious situation in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (“Commonwealth”) in the seventeenth century as perceived by French travellers. Although the issue of multi-denominations in the Polish lands in the early modern era has been addressed by many articles and dissertations, no one has considered the potential of diaries as a rich source of information about confessional matters. The extensive seventeenth-century travel legacy is poorly known in academic circles, while travel journals are an extremely valuable treasury of knowledge about society and everyday life in the era they date back to. They are all the more valuable for modernity, given there are very few other sources that allow us to reconstruct the everyday life of that era. The paper will start by presenting a short synthesis covering the key issues: the religious situation in the Commonwealth and France, and the outline of Polish-French relations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. After the introduction, I proceed to look at the travel diaries through the lens of a complex interdisciplinary analysis of historical sources. A corpus of seventeenth-century diaries will be analysed to identify a map of denominations in the Commonwealth, drawn up by French diarists. Next, it is explained what aspects of beliefs, religious practices, customs or even doctrines were noted by the French, as well as whether and how they understood these complex realities. The analysis of sources is intended to find out if the denominational diversity, so usual for the Commonwealth residents, was visible to the French crossing its lands, and if so, in what aspects. What attracted the interest of foreigners, and what escaped their attention? Another interesting topic present in the memoirs are socio-religious phenomena spotted while observing everyday life, as well as situations of conflict or dialogue between religious minorities and their everyday co-existence in public or private life. Finally, it is interesting to discover that the travellers were very much interested in the urban environment which resulted in descriptions of temples and their role in seventeenth-century town topography. An important element in the analysis is also an attempt to determine if the preserved descriptions and observations can be considered reliable.

Josef Grulich, Vaclav Cerny

Soldiers from the South of Bohemia in Polish Territories and Polish Soldiers in the South of Bohemia. The Military Service and Its Influence on the Structure of the Rural Family, 1780–1830

This paper will focus on changes in family structures related to enlisting in the military (as recruits) and leaving the military service (as invalids and veterans). During recruitment, nobility did not leave the initiative only to press-corp officers. Seigniorial officials sought to guarantee a steady influx of the population to the military service, especially by enlisting individuals from lower social strata whose future was uncertain. The aim of this research is to find out if different social classes (farmers, peasants, cottagers) needed to replace a recruit leaving their homestead by hired labour force. Not only invalids, but also other veterans argued about their poor health, frequent diseases and high age in requests for discharge. We will also devote attention to questions of geographical, spatial mobility and escape strategies (by deserters). These issues will be explored using archive materials including lists of subjects, parish registers, land registers and record materials. On the basis of the quantity and quality of extant sources and differences in settlement structure, two South Bohemian areas have been selected for the study: the estates of Protivin and Trebon.

Robert Frost

Renaissance Republicanism, Ius Gentium and Natural Law. The Polish-Lithuanian Republic and International Relations after 1569

This paper will consider the theory and practice of diplomacy in the Commonwealth of the Two Nations after 1569. It will argue that the creation of one republic, comprising two states and two nations by the Union of Lublin, created considerable problems for the conduct of diplomacy in the context of the radical changes in the conduct of international relations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Kolja Lichy

Monarchical Diplomacy? The Vasa Court between Dynastic Ties and Hierarchical Logics in Europe

The international research discussions of recent decades on a “new diplomatic history” have focused on the diversity of actors in early modern foreign relations and their diversified networks. In this context, the coherence of a supposed concept of the “state” has also been repeatedly addressed. Against this background, the paper deals with the role that the royal court played in foreign relations in the Polish-Lithuanian context during the Vasa dynasty. In this context, I will discuss not only the question of actors and networks, but also the effects of a foreign policy – labelled as royal – on the perception and ability to act in the European framework.

Karin Friedrich

Magnate Courts and Correspondence: The Communication Networks of Bogusław Radziwiłł (1620–1669) in Prussia and Lithuania

The Lithuanian magnate Bogusław Radziwiłł (1620–1669), son of a Hohenzollern princess and the Calvinist rebel Janusz Radziwiłł (d.1620), is infamous as a “traitor” for his collaboration with the Swedes during the “Deluge” of 1655–1660. Appointed first governor of the Duchy of Prussia in 1657 by Frederick William, Elector of Brandenburg, he was an ambitious ruler over large latifundia across the Lithuanian-Polish-Prussian borders. As a mostly absent landlord, he frequently travelled between his scattered properties, particularly his magnate courts at Birże and Kiejdany (Biržai and Kėdainiai in present-day Lithuania), Słuck (Slutsk in present-day Belarus) and several houses in Podlasie. At the same time, he had to rely on an unreliable postal service to communicate his political, diplomatic and economic instructions. This paper focuses on the correspondence between Radziwiłł and several members of his court and patronage networks during the early 1660s. Practical issues ran alongside political and military information at a time of high political tension between Brandenburg-Prussia and Poland-Lithuania. The paper demonstrates the difficulties of an elite that was rich in assets but poor in cash, assessing the effectiveness of a parallel “virtual” court that was created by the magnate’s correspondence through his most trusted men between Lithuania and Ducal Prussia.

Martin Rohde

Scholars at War. Impacts of World War I on Western Ukrainian Knowledge Culture, 1914–1923

This paper discusses World War I in its extended timespan as the crucial moment for the remaking of the Western Ukrainian intellectual landscape. The war allowed for great dreams and great disappointments, which greatly impacted the scholars involved in the “War of Spirits.” I argue that the personal experience of the uprooted and partially displaced Ukrainian intelihentsia/intelligentsia was a crucial factor for the development of Ukrainian modernist ideology. In the first part of my paper, I will discuss how the experience of the intelihentsia was shaped by the escape from Galicia to Vienna before the Russian occupation, a return to Lemberg and finally the exodus from Lwów, after the Polish occupation started to oppress Ukrainian science and education. This specific encounter with the occupation regime led some Ukrainian elites to believe that there was no hope of building a Ukrainian cultural centre in Poland. These episodes resulted in the making of the Western Ukrainian diaspora and its anti-Polish attitudes – in contrast to those who were more conservative and who stayed. In the second part of my paper, I will analyse the connection of experience with the making of a new and yet unprecedented modernist ideology of the Ukrainian national project. Failed attempts at gaining independence (at least from Polish dominance) led scholars to suggest a modernist agenda, which problematised the “degeneration” of the Ukrainian national body – primarily through inhabitants of cities and the intelihentsia itself. In that case, intelihentsia denoted the conservative part of the intellectual elites, which opposed modernist positions. The suggestion was to introduce “national biological politics,” which would prevent “racial mixture” (with different ethnic groups in the city) and revitalise the national body through the idealisation of the “healthy” life of the people in the countryside. These attitudes significantly differentiated modernist scholars in the diaspora from those who stayed in Lwów and tried to find their bearings in a landscape defined by extended Polish dominance, even though both groups commonly identified themselves as Ukrainians and cooperated on selected occasions.

Heidi Hein-Kircher

Avoiding a Local Compromise: Local Politics in Lwów/Lviv since the Turn of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Since the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, local politics had become an interesting field of action, and subsequently a competitive arena. The city councillors, most of them Poles, saw Lwów/Lviv as quintessentially Polish in character and claimed a leading influence on municipal matters. At the same time, they rebuffed similar Ruthenian claims to the city and saw them as a threat to its Polish character. The defence of the “Polish character of Lwów/Lviv” would recur in discussions about the election code reform from the second half of the 1900s. In the paper, I will discuss the refusal of the Polish political elites to reach a local compromise. I will elaborate on the strategies of local nationalist politics and focus on the debates regarding the revision of the electoral code. First, the legal framework of the 1870s statute will be explained, then the main provision of the electoral code and finally the debates on the code’s reform. The paper is based on the findings published inmy book on Local Government in Lwów/Lviv under Habsburg rule (2020).

Iurii Zazuliak

Criminal Justice and Inter-Ethnic Relations in Early Modern Lwów/Lviv

The presentation examines the role of crime and criminal justice in shaping and transforming the boundaries between various ethnic and religious communities in early modern Lwów/Lviv. I argue that the institutions of criminal justice and practices of crime were involved in the preservation of the structures of dominance exercised by the Catholic majority. However, they simultaneously produced a paradoxical integrative effect that legitimised other ethnic and religious communities in the city. I also discuss the clash of legal norms and legal traditions of various ethnic and religious provenance. These norms and traditions served as the foundation of the criminal justice system and the negotiation of the meaning of crime.

Jan Błoński

Between Disappointment and Orientalisation. The Materiality of Polish-Lithuanian Taverns in Light of Foreign Travelogues and Local Inventories

The main purpose of my presentation is to establish the material side of a tavern: what the buildings looked like, how the space was organised and what their condition was. I would like to contrast and juxtapose the image and the function of taverns derived from the accounts that various travellers wrote during or after their visits with locally produced sources: economic instructions, contracts and inventories. Each type of source has its methodological limitations, tropes, as well as its own language, but the literary convention does not fully explain why taverns in Eastern Europe were regarded as being much worse than in the Western parts of the continent. Simple, raw, poorly equipped and heated buildings, often neglected by tavern keepers, estate holders and noblemen, in need of repair, infested with worms and bugs. On that score, they just resembled regular rural architecture and should be considered its peculiar specimen. Nevertheless, it seems that they met the needs of the local community, who sought a place to meet and spend time together and appreciated taverns as public spaces offering the availability of alcohol and other products, without any luxuries, which they did not know. Historians of Western Europe may use paintings from the period to analyse the visual aspect of the taverns. These painting really show what the taverns looked like. Unfortunately, this is not the case for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Only a few relevant popular illustrations are available, and they do not provide many details. Paintings depicting taverns are few and far between and they come mainly from the nineteenth century. The same could be said about open-air museums. Given the scarcity of visual sources, I will take a closer look at the specific literary primary sources that may also be used to explore the visual side of the taverns. I will also reflect upon the possible reasons for the miserable state of the taverns depicted in the primary sources.

Jürgen Heyde

Legal Pluralism and Political Agency in a Multi-Ethnic Setting. Lwów/Lviv and Kamieniec/Kamianets in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries

Structures of self-government constitute an essential feature of early modern multi-ethnic societies. Those structures not only mirror ethnic diversity, but they also provide fields of opportunity for transcultural interaction among individual actors. The tension between intercultural normativity and transcultural practices raises the question of how legal pluralism shaped the constitution of multi-ethnic societies. The presentation examines how legal pluralism was used as a way to strengthen the position of non-dominant ethnic groups. It traces communicative processes leading to the establishment of structures of self-governance as well as transcultural entanglements in their functioning.

Emma Zohar

United by Pleasure: Overcoming the Ethnic Divide in Interwar Poland

Practices of pleasure, such as fashion, culinary culture, interior design and vacationing have become accessible since the nineteenth century and gained much popularity after the First World War. The proposed lecture will seek to examine these practices among Jewish society in independent Poland, however not as an exclusively Jewish practice, but instead focusing on influences and contacts between Jews and non-Jews. The traditional historiography of Polish Jewry in modern times often seeks to emphasise the uniqueness of the Jewish experience in Poland, focusing on Jewish communities, movements, organisations and leaders. This approach is also consistent with the approach of the History of Emotions which aims to highlight the paramount importance of community affiliation in the adoption of emotional practices and emotional. However, Jews as an ethnic or national minority had an influence on and were influenced by the surrounding population. Those influences are noted not only at the political or ideological level, but also at the level of adopting emotional practices. The proposed lecture will ask to examine the question: What made Jews happy? Was it different from what made Poles happy? I will do so by focusing on different practices of pleasure such as new-year parties, leisure sports, forms of entertainment, etc. These issues will challenge the idea of emotional community, as well as the traditional point of view of Jewish historiography, and will seek to assume a more universal approach to the study of independent Polish Jewry.

Róbert Barta

Austrian Galicia in the Memory of the Hungarian Public Discourse of the Interwar Period

I analyse the official (governmental) reactions of Hungary to transferring Galícia from Austria-Hungary to Poland, and the reflections of the press and general public opinion on the subject. In addition, I emphasise the arrival of a new phenomenon to Hungary from interwar Galícia, i.e. the so-called “Galícian Jew,” a new danger that soon became an inherent part of the Hungarian anti-Semitism of the time. I discuss these puzzling phenomena and approaches in the context of strong Polish-Hungarian relations of that period.

Aleksiej Wasiljew

Leon Wasilewski on the Borders of the Reborn Poland: The Intellectual Origins of a Political Project

For Polish society, a long time after the disappearance of Poland from the political map of Europe, the idea of returning to the borders of 1772 seemed the most obvious and fairest approach. However, with the development of the Ukrainian, Lithuanian and Belarusian national movements, this idea became increasingly unrealistic. In 1918, it was already clear that the new Poland would have to be “invented anew,” taking into account the historical experience, political circumstances and theoretical concepts of the present. The paper is devoted to the views of Leon Wasilewski (1870–1936), one of the leading political activists of the period of the revival of the Polish state. For a long time, as a historian and ethnologist, he studied the problems of the history and culture of Eastern Europe. In 1918–1919, he served as Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs. Thus, it is worth examining the intellectual origins of Wasilewski’s activity as one of the leading politicians of that period. It is also tempting to examine whether and how the ideas and concepts created by Polish intellectuals during the Partitions could stand the test of political reality.

Ēriks Jēkabsons

Latvian-Polish Relations, 1919–1939: The Factor of Ethnic Minorities

During the interwar period, Latvia and Poland – two neighbouring countries – had relatively good political, military and economic relations. The factor of ethnic minorities played an important role in this dynamic. Latvia had a significant and historically developed Polish minority whose activities affected not only the development of Latvian society, but also Latvian-Polish relations. The Polish minority in Latvia played a part in the Polish-Latvian crises of 1921 and 1931. In general, however, the development of an active Polish minority was a positive phenomenon. The Polish minority may serve as a case study for the analysis of the role of ethnic minorities in international relations. Thus, the report will address the following issues: firstly, the role of the Polish minority in Polish-Latvian interstate relations; and, secondly, Latvia’s views on the way Polish society handled ethnic minorities and the impact it had on the relations between the two countries.

Isabelle Davion

Four Polands, One International System: Multicultural Polonia Restituta and the Peace Negotiations 1918–1921

Amidst all the arduous tasks facing the Peacemakers at the end of World War One, the Polish file presented specific issues. The three parts of the restored state and the Polish diaspora in France only added to the heterogeneous image of the country and its people. Given the conditions of that time, it was a daunting task to build an organised government machine and, most urgently, a united army that would be able to respond to the Soviet threat. The Allied and Associated Powers have different answers, but one single statement prevailed when it came to Poland: “a nation struggling to become a state, with perhaps a greater number of more difficult problems than have ever been faced up any other nation at any one time” (Hoover Archives, Hugh Gibson collection).

Frédéric Dessberg

Culture and Politics. What Role Does Polish Multiculturalism Play in French-Polish Relations in the Interwar Period?

The Polish culture of the Second Republic aroused interest from both the French political circles and public opinion. It was partly due to the fact that Polish migrants in France maintained a rich cultural activity. In other respects, the modernisation of Poland attracted the attention of French diplomats, businessmen and cultural circles. Politically, a large part of the French public opinion was concerned about the fate of minorities in Poland, as in the whole of new Central Europe. Cultural issues were at the heart of this kind of concern. However, it is an open question to what extent multiculturalism in Poland was known in France, especially through artistic activities and, for instance, avant-garde movements. Reports from diplomats who were involved in cultural diplomacy practices, their accounts and those of journalists and politicians should help us investigate this question.

Petr Kaleta

Czechs as a Part of Multicultural Regions of Western Volhynia and Eastern Lesser Poland in 1918–1939

Interwar Poland was a state with many ethnic and religious groups. This phenomenon manifested itself very clearly especially in its eastern regions. Czechs from Volhynia and Eastern Lesser Poland (formerly Eastern Galicia) were also an integral part of interwar Poland. Czechs from Volhynia, whose number was around 25,000 in the early 1920s, were mainly engaged in agriculture or trade. The number of Czechs in Eastern Lesser Poland decreased significantly after World War I, but a compact group remained in Lwów/Lviv/Lemberg, which paid considerable attention to enlightenment and cultural activities.

Robert Pyrah

From Hybrid Identity to “Sub-Culture”? A Comparison of Identity Discourses for Two Minority Groups in Cities Where They Were Historical Majorities before World War II: Poles in Lviv/Lwów and Germans in Wrocław/Breslau (a Historical Perspective to the Mid-2010s)

This paper offers a fresh, comparative take on my previously published research (Ab Imperio and Nationalities Papers, both 2017). It examines the parallel case of two historically significant minorities from borderland cities where, until World War Two, there had been historical majorities: Poles in Lviv, Ukraine; and Germans in Wroclaw, Poland. The work is based on oral history research conducted in the mid-2010s in both cities, but also draws on archival material and wider discursive plus theoretical perspectives on minority identity. These include the historical, top-down framing of such populations in both a synchronic and diachronic perspective, plus a newer lens of “sub-culture,” proposed as a means of defining groups that might elude both “vertical” definitions of ethnicity based on nationality and more traditional horizontal definitions around hyphenation or hybridity. While “sub-culture” is a potential way for minority groups with hybrid identities to escape essentialising traps, as this paper shows, doing so depends on equally permissive political and social structures.

Ihor Żuk

Mixed Identities in the Milieu of Architects and Builders of Lviv/Lwów of the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century: Julian and Alfred Zachariewiczs, Ivan/Jan Lewiński, Tadeusz/Tadei Obmiński

This paper presents the four most outstanding architects of Lviv/Lwów at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries. The members of this “quartet” are: Professor Julian Oktawian Zachariewicz (1837–1898), the founder of the local architectural school; Alfred Zachariewicz (1871–1937), Julian’s son and the pioneer of reinforced-concrete construction technology in Galicia; Ivan Lewiński (1851–1919), the most prominent construction entrepreneur of the “royal capital city” of Lviv; and Tadeusz Obmiński (1874–1932), the leading designer of Lviv Art Nouveau buildings. The complex identities of these four creative individuals manifested themselves in different modes and resulted in variegated effects. The extraordinary personality of Julian Zachariewicz, a model representative of nineteenth-century “scientific” historicism in architecture, reflects the mix of the national and confessional elements (worth mentioning is his conversion to the Augsburg Rite). Politically, Zachariewicz-senior sympathised with Galician liberal circles and the New Era policy; he was loyal to the Habsburg state. His son Alfred, an architect immersed in Art Nouveau and early Modernist ideas, became heir of his father’s professional fame. Simultaneously, he was poles apart with his father (reminiscent of Schorske’s “oedipal revolt”), which is best evidenced by his cultural and political predilections and the distinct professional creed. From 1880 to1910, Ivan/Jan Lewiński enjoyed the double “architect-builder” status. His ambivalent position in the Ukrainian-Polish borderland was determined by his family circumstances (interestingly, his brother was a veteran of the January Uprising). However, in 1919, Professor Lewiński refused to sign the civil-servant declaration of allegiance to the Second Polish Republic. Things looked similar with Tadeusz/Tadei Obmiński’s identity: around 1905, the Polish architect acted as the creator of the national/“nationalist” style of Ukrainian architecture in its Galician version. During the fin-de-siècle period and in the course of subsequent historical cataclysms, each of these four architects was bound to experience a crisis of his mixed identity, and in most cases – its dramatic collapse.

Jekaterina Merkuljeva

How Forced Migration from Poland-Lithuania to the Ottoman Empire Contributed to the Development of Traductology at the Turn of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries

In the course of research devoted to the works of Jan Charowski Papazzade (my PhD thesis topic at the IH PAN), the translator of oriental languages for Adam Mikołaj Sieniawski (the Grand Hetman of the Polish Crown in 1706–1726), material was accumulated that testifies to the extensive staff of Oriental translators in the service of the influential Polish magnate, including Armenians, Greeks, Vlachs, Poles, Polonised Turks and Rusyns. The hetman appointed city interpreters in Lwów/Lviv to work with oriental merchants, and he also recommended interpreters to ambassadors heading to the Crimea and the Ottoman Empire. The hetman needed translators to receive Tatar and Turkish envoys, to correspond with his eastern neighbours and to buy Oriental luxury goods. The prosopographical method made it possible to identify the typical career path of Hetman Sieniawski’s oriental translators: military people on the south-eastern borders of the Commonwealth were captured; they learned Tatar or Turkish as prisoners; after being ransomed from captivity, they returned to their homeland and applied the acquired knowledge in practice, working in the royal and hetman’s offices. Many translators of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries participated in the battles of the Polish-Turkish wars and were inducted into the noble class for military merit. This is how a new elite, the military intelligentsia, was formed.

Gellért Ernő Marton

Clashes and Meeting of Cultures – Close and Far Neighbourhoods: Frontier Affairs and Emigration from the Early Modern Age, to the Modern Age

During the last decades of the sixteenth century and the first third of the seventeenth century, the Principality of Transylvania played a special role. On the frontier of the Christian and Muslim world, the small principality was a key factor stabilising the entire region of East-Central Europe. The presentation focuses on the reign of Prince Gábor Bethlen (r. 1613–1629), most notably his diplomacy. Several aspects of it are revealed, a wide range of sources are available. Beside his Habsburg, Ottoman and West European relationships, one should pay more attention to Bethlen’s Polish relationships through archival sources. This presentation provides insights into the first steps of a research activity that aims to collect archival sources of Gábor Bethlen’s diplomatic pursuits at this time, with special attention to archival materials found in archives in Kraków. This research is based on Jerzy Snopek’s article: “Bethlen Gábor a lengyel forrásokban – bibliográfiai vázlat” (“Gábor Bethlen in Polish Manuscripts: A Bibliographical draft.). Based on this and my previous archival research in Kraków, I have collected archival materials concerning Prince Gábor Bethlen in the Jagiellonian Library, Scientific Library of the PAAS and the PAS in Kraków and Princes Czartoryski Library.

Yauheni Dudkin

Polish Parliamentarians of the Second Polish Republic from the North-Eastern Territories: Statistics and Analysis (1919–1939)

In the interwar period, all the inhabitants of the north-eastern part of the Polish Second Republic could defend their interests and fight for their rights through representatives in the parliament. It is important to admit that the boycott, joined by the majority of the Belarusians, of the 1919 Polish parliamentary election and the 1922 Vilnius parliamentary election moved voters from the north-eastern region of interwar Poland, who were mostly of Belarusian origin, to the Polish political forces. In Belarusian historiography, the parliamentary activities of the members of parliament from the interwar period are yet to be fully analysed. Arguably, the lack of experience in parliamentary activities, low education levels and the particular ambitions of some Belarusian politicians were the main reasons for the failure of Belarusians in Polish parliamentary elections in the years 1922–1927. However, educated and popular personalities in the region also ran for parliament and they were able to garner support from Poles that lived in the north-eastern part of the Polish Second Republic. These personalities became the heroes of Belarusian national historiography. R. Skirmuntt, a senator in the Polish Second Republic and prime minister of the Belarusian People’s Republic, is a case in point. The parliamentary activity of Deputy G. Szymanowski during the third, fourth and fifth term of the Sejm shows that some Polish politicians understood the multinational character of the Northeast territories. Only one person from those who entered the Sejm from the constituency of the Northeast territories was not related to this region by birth or residence. Twelve people from the Northeast territories entered the first term parliament, eleven persons the second term, six people the third term, no one entered the fourth term, and two people entered the fifth term.

Stanisław Apriłaszwili

The Polish Diaspora Policy of the Third Polish Republic in the Opinion of Its Addressees

According to the estimates of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 18–20 million people claiming to be of Polish origin live worldwide. Immediately after 1989, the issues of the Polish diaspora became an inseparable element of Polish foreign policy. Currently, Polish diaspora policy is focused on subsidising diaspora organisations and on activities that encourage Poles to stay in their countries of residence, thereby maintaining a steady number Polish communities abroad. Although numerous educational programmes, e.g. scholarships for people of Polish origin to study in Poland, encourage Polish immigrants to stay in Poland, such activities, by implication, aim to return these people to their countries of origin and promote Poland there. I chose this topic to discuss the gaps in the political approach to Polish diaspora issues. The topic of the research reflects my interest in the affairs of the Polish diaspora and Poles abroad among Polish authorities and governmental and non-governmental organisations, which is growing every year. The study attempts to outline the basic directions of the development of Polish diaspora policy, as well as its reception among its addressees. The following question was defined as a research hypothesis: is Polish diaspora policy effective and are people of Polish origin abroad suitably supported by the Polish government?

Izabella Korchagina

The Good Deeds of King Jagiełło: On Dynastic and Diplomatic Relations between Poland and Wallachia

At the turn of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the hospodars of Wallachia were vassals to Polish kings, who often interfered with the internal affairs of the principality. The primary goal of these actions was to save Wallachia from an alliance with its mighty western neighbours: Hungary and the Holy Roman Empire. Hostilities with the rebelling Vlachs, the Polish blockade of the Kiliia harbour and the subsequent suspension of international trade on the River Danube (1429–1430) aggravated the old conflict between Poland and Germany. This led to a clash between two centres of power: King Władysław Jagiełło of Poland and Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund of Luxembourg, the two mighty rulers of Central and Western Europe. The archive records of these events have survived only in parts. However, new light on this conflict might be shed by adopting the perspective of the hospodars of Wallachia, the rulers of a country that was previously seen as the object rather than the subject of the political affairs outlined above. Simultaneously, the analysis of Polish sources might help fill the gaps in the chronology of Wallachia, whose diplomatic and genealogical ties with Poland and Lithuania are much closer than it was formerly believed. The source basis for such investigations should include the documents directly related to the negotiations between Jagiełło and Sigismund of Luxembourg and relevant texts from the years that preceded and followed these developments. This would undoubtedly help to outline the context of those events.

Aldona Prašmantaitė

Vilnius University and the Warsaw Society of Friends of Sciences (1800–1832)

The Warsaw Society of Friends of Sciences (1800–1832; from 1808, the Royal Warsaw Society of Friends of Sciences) was one of the first scientific associations in the territories of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Throughout its entire activity, it gathered both professional scientists from various fields and people merely interested in science, who were called friends of science. The members of the Society were associated with various circles and hailed from various areas of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. A large group of its active members were people from the clergy. The Roman Catholic clergy of the Vilnius Diocese also left their mark in the history of the Society. Some of them were professionally associated with the University of Vilnius (e.g. the astronomer Marcin Poczobut-Odlanicki, the botanist Bonifacy Stanisław Jundziłł or the mathematician Franciszek Narwojsz). Others, such as Franciszek Ksawery, Michał Bohusz or Jan Nepomucen Kossakowski belonged to the circles of the diocese hierarchy at that time. They all shared a passion for science and a desire to spread scientific knowledge among the public. In the paper, on the basis of identified figures of the clergy from the Vilnius Diocese associated with the Society, a picture of their activity as members of this association will be sketched in general figures. The degree of their involvement will be examined with the presentation of organisational work and a discussion of the main thematic directions they pursued as part of their relationship with the Society. The Society cared for the preservation of the native language, literature and national traditions, and encouraged researching the history of nations, especially those that had a common homeland with the Polish nation. The Society also showed interest in the history and language of the Lithuanian nation. The academic staff of Vilnius University contributed to the genesis of the work on the history of the Lithuanian nation and language. The author of the dissertation On the Beginnings of the Lithuanian Nation and Language (1808) was Bohusz, a clergyman from the Vilnius Diocese, who wrote it as part of his activity in the Society. Research conducted so far shows that it was his dissertation that inspired interest in the Lithuanian language and the history of the Lithuanian nation among contemporary scientific circles. The state of research on the issue shows that most of the clergy from the Vilnius Diocese involved in the Society’s activities were associated with the Vilnius intellectual centre.

Assem Kairatkyzy

Comparative Analysis of the Polish-Kazakh Linguistic Worldview

The article is devoted to the Polish-Kazakh comparative analyses of the somatic phraseological unit with the component “skin.” Phraseological units with the component “skin” are the material to identify the universal and national features inherent in the archaic cultural and linguistic consciousness of the structure of the human body, and to reveal the national specificity and universality of human perception of reality, as well as the Linguistic Worldview of these units in the languages compared. The theoretical significance of the research is the fact that its scientific results and conclusions can be used in further research related to the Linguistic Worldview of the Slavs or Turks. The results of the research can be used in the creation of textbooks and educational books on the linguacultural and cognitive linguistics of Turkic and Slavic studies.

Adam Świątek

Hybrid Identities as a Subject of Biographical Research in the Cultural Borderland. Case Studies of Galicia. Introduction

A characteristic feature of the borderlands is the complex intercultural relations that occur in the communities inhabiting them. Galicia is the best example of this phenomenon in Polish history. For almost a century and a half, Poles, Ruthenians (Ukrainians) and Jews, as well as immigrants (Germans, Czechs) and representatives of minor ethnic groups (Armenians, Karaites, Romani people), functioned within one administrative and political body, sharing the same space and institutions. Throughout the twentieth century, but also today, national historiographies have often described the fate of communities inhabiting Galicia either as almost non-interacting “parallel worlds” or through the prism of inevitable conflict. In recent decades, this horizontal perception of multi-ethnic Galicia has been slowly superseded by an attempt at a vertical view. This historiographical breakthrough made researchers interested in people’s fate and their contacts with representatives of neighbourly cultures. Historians found it challenging to explore aspects that build an individual’s identity: imaginations, beliefs and thoughts. In other words, identity has ceased to be only a static feature of a described individual. It has become a dynamic research object that allows for the answering of many critical questions about its dynamics and the factors influencing its evolution. Historians also face a multiplicity of identities in the borderland: a person could function in parallel systems of values and beliefs, not breaking with any of them. However, this world of hybrid identities (e.g. gente Rutheni, natione Poloni; Polish Jews and Armenians, half-Polonised Czechs and Germans) could only exist for a particular time. The phenomenon had its heyday in the mid-nineteenth century, and it slowly declined with the development of modern nationalism. The closer to the end of the nineteenth century, and especially in the first half of the twentieth century, the greater the decline of the number of cases representing the so-called hybrid (multi-level) identity.

Börries Kuzmany

Galician Culture and Identity: Cultures and Identities in Galicia

This paper investigates Habsburg Galicia as a multi-lingual, multi-confessional and multi-spatial province. While this certainly testified to the region’s cultural diversity, this diversity should not be seen as a mere compilation of separate Polish, Ruthenian/Ukrainian, Jewish and other national cultures. Instead, I suggest analysing the common, cross-national features that developed in Galicia as a consequence of its being an administrative entity between 1772 and 1918 and, simultaneously, being part of imperial Habsburg culture. I investigate protagonists, topics and phenomena that appeared in literature, the arts, music and architecture produced in Galicia. Not ignoring the cross-border national cultures of Poles, Ukrainians and Jews, I will also indicate how much these nationalising cultures resembled each other in their nationalising strategies. I argue that Galicia was not only a multi-cultured land, but also a region that had developed a distinct hybrid Galician culture.

Petro Siredzhuk

On the Identity of the Hutsul Population at the Turn of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: Ukrainians, Poles, Armenians, Germans and Jews

Not many Polish people lived in the Hutsul Region. The biggest communities were in towns such as Delyatyn, Nadvirna, Yabluniv, Pistin, Kosiv and Kuty and the villages of Pistin and Rozhniv. One to three Polish families lived in several other villages of the Hutsul Region. In order not to lose their national identity, Polish people built Roman Catholic cathedrals and founded schools. Later, in 1867, the Polish language became the second official language in this region. Therefore, the Polish community was not threatened by denationalisation. In the first half of the seventeenth century, Jews began to settle in this region. Their dispersed families were controlled by city kahals. In order to preserve their national identity, the cities and large villages had small private religious cheder schools, and the cities had private secular schools of the Baron Hirsch Foundation. Jews spoke Ukrainian, Polish and German well. When census records were completed, Jews called themselves Jews. However, sometimes they said they were Ukrainian, Polish or German and in this way the results of the population census were not correct. Armenians appeared in the Hutsul Region at the beginning of the eighteenth century. With one distinct Armenian community in Kuty, individual Armenians lived in several Hutsul villages. The Armenian community in Kuty was first mentioned in 1717. It was the largest Armenian community in Eastern Galicia. German people began to arrive in the Hutsul Region when its territory became part of the Austria-Hungarian Empire. The first settlers were government officials. Subsequently, ordinary people from Galician German colonies began to settle in the region. To summarise, we can state that before World War One, Ukrainians, Poles, Jews and Armenians preserved their national identity. The few Germans in the region in turn lost their national identity.

Paul R. Hulsenboom

“A cruel monument to Mars”: Catholic and Protestant Polish Perspectives on the Eighty Years’ War

This paper presents a case study of the diverse literary ways in which Poles responded to the Eighty Years’ War. Specifically, it discusses several highly differing poems by Polish authors on one of the pivotal battles of the conflict: the Siege of Oostende (1601–1604). The poems are important yet so far unstudied Polish literary reactions to Eighty Years’ War, and they tie in with contemporary European discourses on the battle. The paper shows how Poles actively engaged with and took sides in the Dutch-Spanish conflict – if not by their swords, then by their quills – and considers the authors’ possible motives and the poems’ societal functions. The poems’ authors are a certain Krzysztof Jurgiewicz, the Socinian theologian Samuel Przypkowski, and the likewise Socinian poet Zbigniew Morsztyn, who translated Przypkowski’s Latin verses into Polish. These compositions are excellent examples of the two ways in which the Siege of Oostende was poetically framed, not just in Poland, but in Europe as a whole: whereas Jurgiewicz repeats the jubilant Catholic discourse, Przypkowski and Morsztyn adhere to the interpretation of Hugo Grotius and other Protestant commentators. Moreover, a closer look at one particular Socinian manuscript provides an insight into the use of Przypkowski’s and Morsztyn’s poems in seventeenth-century Poland, as well as the role Oostende played in the cultural memory of the Polish Brethren.

Frank Rochow

Accommodating the Nation within the Empire. The Negotiations between Central State Authorities and Local Stakeholders about the Fortification at Kościuszko Mound in Kraków in the 1850s

After the annexation of the Free City of Kraków by the Habsburg Monarchy in 1846, the central organs attempted to incorporate new lands into the already existing state. From the beginning, this included a strong military dimension which led to a rise of military presence in Kraków that was further boosted after the revolutionary events of 1848. Henceforth, a fortification system was erected around the city. The most important fort of this system was erected around Kościuszko Mound, a symbolic landmark for Polish nationalists – an artificial mound created in the 1820s to commemorate the national hero Tadeusz Kościuszko and sitting on top of Kraków’s Sikornik Hill. In this paper, it will be examined how diametrically opposed interests around this particular geographical point were negotiated between two seemingly unequal parties: the Habsburg Empire and the Polish national movement. The compromise that was finally reached shows the inner workings of the Habsburg conflict management practices; it also shows the extent to which the ruling elite could accommodate national interests within the neo-Absolutist state of the 1850s.

Christoph Augustynowicz

Indywiduum i miasto na granicy galicyjskiej: Dialog czy monologi? Jan Słomka jako bywalec pogranicza w Sandomierzu The Individual and the City on the Galician Border: A Dialogue or Monologues? Jan Słomka as a Border Visitor to Sandomierz

Niniejszy referat podejmuje kwestię funkcjonowania specyficznych miejsc jakimi są przejście graniczne oraz granica w kontekście środkowo-wschodnio-europejskim, w drugiej połowie XIX wieku w relacjach pomiędzy dwoma historycznymi nosicielami tożsamości. Z jednej strony jest to żyjący w Dzikowie w Galicji pod panowaniem habsburskim Jan Słomka, z drugiej strony miasto Sandomierz, położone w Królestwie Polskim, wchodzące w skład Imperium Rosyjskiego. Problematyka granica/przestrzeń/graniczna/przejście graniczne analizowana jest w tym kontekście z perspektyw mikrohistorii i historii życia codziennego, czy też świata przeżywanego (Lebenswelt), pod względem strukturalnym i funkcjonalnym. Granica oddziałuje nie tylko jako bariera, ale zarazem jako strefa integrująca.

Petr Kaleta

Assimilation versus Acculturation: Polish Karaites in the Pages of the Journal “Myśl Karaimska”

As a national and religious group, the Karaites were an integral part of Polish history. Three important Karaite centres, Trakai, Lutsk and Halych, were included within the borders of the Republic of Poland reborn in 1918. Polish society and Polish culture exerted a great influence on the religious, cultural and scientific life of the Karaite population. In 1924, the first Karaite periodical in Polish, Myśl Karaimska (only a small number of articles were published in Karaite), began to appear. The periodical became an important source showing the assimilation and acculturation processes that affected Karaite life in Poland during the period of its publication (with interruptions between 1924 and 1947).

Jawad Daheur

From Wood to Coal? Local Variabilities and Cultural Backgrounds of Fuelling Practices in the Polish Countryside (19th Century)

In the course of the 19th century, the Polish lands experienced profound changes in the use of fuels. Fuel was a basis for everyday life and economic development. It was valued not only for warmth, but also cooking, illumination as well as handicraft and industrial processes. With a certain delay compared to Western Europe, partitioned Poland has been characterized by a declining share of fuels derived from the organic economy and an increasing share of fossil fuels (coal, lignite, and to a lesser extent oil in Galicia). At the end of the century, however, fossil fuels were still mostly used in larger or smaller cities connected to the railway network. While coal tended to become the hegemonic fuel in Polish urban environments, types of fuels used in the countryside remained much more diverse and were marked by great regional variability. Not only firewood, but also peat and all kinds of agricultural and livestock residues were used by the rural population. The central hypothesis of this paper is that this heterogeneity of local practices was not only driven by variations in the availability of resources and the efficiency of distribution networks, but also by a set of cultural practices and imaginaries. Fuels acted both a key factor in the economy and the foundation of particular cultures and ways of life, of which contours, issues and developments can be studied. In dialogue with ongoing international scholarship in the cultural and environmental history of energy, this paper aims at offering a comparative micro-history of fuel use in Polish rural households, based on several cases in different geographical contexts.

Iryna Łozyńska

Rosyjskie władze okupacyjne okresu Pierwszej wojny światowej a heterogeniczność kulturowa Wschodniej Galicji Russian Occupation Authorities during World War I and the Cultural Heterogeneity of Eastern Galicia

Pierwsza wojna światowa, która znamionowała przejście ludzkości od jednej historycznej epoki do drugiej, jest jednym z najistotniejszych wydarzeń w historii, których wpływ odczuwalny jest do dziś. Galicja była jednym z regionów, w których ścierały się interesy Imperium Rosyjskiego i państw Bloku Centralnego, na terenie którego w okresie okupacji rosyjskiej utworzono tymczasowe rosyjskie gubernatorstwa wojskowe, które stały się formą władzy cywilnej na ziemiach «zajęte przez prawo wojny». Galicyjska przestrzeń społeczna zawsze była wielokulturowa i wielonarodowa. Wiele dyskusji odbywało się w kontekście homogeniczności i heterogeniczności regionu. Galicja jako region na pograniczu imperiów i narodów podlegała różnym programom asymilacji poprzez «enkulturację» lub «zawłaszczenie». Przygotowując wkroczenie do Galicji, rosjanie musieli zastanowić się nad taktyką polityczną, która mogłaby być najbardziej skuteczna. Kamieniem węgielnym stały się kwestie polskiej autonomii i «problemu ukraińskiego». Kwestia polska miała charakter ściśle polityczny i mogła być częściowo rozwiązana za pomocą środków administracyjnych, natomiast problem ukraiński okazał się być prawie nie do rozwiązania. Ukraińcom rosyjskie władze okupacyjne od samego początku dały do zrozumienia, że nie mogą liczyć na ich tolerancyjność. Oznaczało to, że dla rządu rosyjskiego Ukraińcy w gruncie rzeczy nie istnieli. Polityka władz rosyjskich wobec Polaków po zajęciu kraju była niejednoznaczna. Prześladowania Niemców, mimo że stanowili niewielki procent ludności, trwały do ostatnich dni rosyjskiej okupacji. Podobnie jak Niemców i Ukraińców, rosyjskie władze okupacyjne prześladowali Żydów. Wszędzie dochodziło do żydowskich pogromów i Żydów masowo wypędzano na wygnanie do Rosji. Generał-gubernator Galicji, hrabia Georgij Bobryński, obsadził swoją administrację rusofilami galicyjskimi, którzy otrzymali dyrektywy zniszczyć zwolenników Mazepy, czyli Ukraińców. «Koniec z ukraińskością!» – takie było hasło rosyjskiej administracji. Rozpowszechnienie języka rosyjskiego, który rosyjscy urzędnicy traktowali jako narzędzie do zjednoczenia Wschodniej Galicji z Imperium Rosyjskim, wywarło duży wpływ na sferze sądownictwa i edukacji narodowej na wszystkich poziomach. Intelektualiści i politycy rosyjscy opowiadali się za «rosyjskością» Galicji, niemniej wszystkie ich koncepcje stykały się z problemem Cerkwi Greckokatolickiej. Uznanie jakichkolwiek elementów ukraińskiej tożsamości zagrażało zagranicznej polityce Rosji, albowiem mogło doprowadzić do kryzysu rosyjskiej tożsamości imperialnej. Politycy rosyjscy doskonale zdawali sobie sprawę, że przynależność do Cerkwi Greckokatolickiej jest jednym z najważniejszych kryteriów samoidentyfikacji Ukraińców galicyjskich, dlatego szczególną wagę władze rosyjskie przywiązywały do polityki cerkiewnej. Dlatego rosyjska polityka imperialna nie mogła się pogodzić z żadną heterogenicznością i wielokulturowością, dlatego głównymi metodami działania rosyjskiego okupanta były metody totalnej rusyfikacji we wszystkich sferach.

Natailia Starchenko

Władza autorytetu czy władza autorytarna: wzorce i rzeczywistość w relacjach “pan-sługa” na dworze szlacheckim (Wołyń i Kijowszczyzna w latach 1566-1648)

Kwestia stosunków między członkami wspólnot szlacheckich na różnych poziomach hierarchii władzy jest ściśle związana z problemem charakteru władzy we wczesnonowoczesnej społeczności. Ów świat istniał jako mnogość hierarchii, a na ich powstawanie i funkcjonowanie miały wpływ nie tylko czynniki materialne, ale także i to, jak ludzie wyobrażali sobie porządek i do jakich ważnych wzorców społecznych się odwoływali. Dlatego przy badaniu stosunków władzy i podporządkowania ogromne znaczenie zyskuje retoryka, do której uciekały się różne strony w sytuacjach konfliktowych (legitymizując władzę – podważając ją). To właśnie społeczne znaczenia używanego języka znajdą się w centrum uwagi. Jak pokazują konflikty, w których centrum znajdowały się interesy pana i jego szlacheckich sług, na „dobre imię” patrona w dużym stopniu składały się jego stosunki z osobami zależnymi. W tych stosunkach możliwości patrona ograniczał „kodeks dobrego szlachcica”, zgodnie z którym musiał on być nie tylko sprawiedliwy, ale także miłosierny wobec osób odeń zależnych. Przestrzegania tej zasady z uwagą pilnowała wspólnota szlachecka, zazwyczaj występująca w roli pośrednika w przypadku konfliktu między panem a sługą. Naruszenie przyjętych zasad groziło szlachcicowi utratą „dobrego imienia”, a takie honorowe powiązania między różniącymi się statusem osobami sprawiały, że pozycje władzy były niestabilne. W centrum uwagi znajdują się więc kwestie związane z realizacją władzy w skali mikro, w granicach dworu szlacheckiego, lub nieco szerzej – w obrębie grupy osób, stanowiących grupę quasi-rodzinną. A najważniejsze pytania dotyczyć będą problemów korzystania z władzy i jej utrzymywania, w szczególności manipulowania dyskursami, związanymi z dobrym imieniem i honorem szlacheckim. To właśnie ten niedookreślony czynnik – reputacja – mógł podważać hierarchie władzy, a także zmuszał silnych tego świata do działania w granicach powszechnie przyjętych wartości.

Arkusha Olena

Cities, Towns and Villages in Eastern Galicia at the Turn of the 19th and 20th Centuries: Traditions in the Face of Cultural and Modernising Transformations

Prowincja Wschodniogalicyjska długo zachowywała przywiązanie do tradycyjnego stylu życia. Stabilność tę zapewniało kilka środowisk społecznych, oddzielonych od reszty świata barierami mentalnymi. Przede wszystkim dwór pozostał filarem konserwatyzmu. W płaszczyźnie ideologicznej tłumaczyło się to potrzebą pełnienia misji cywilizacyjno-kulturowej. Zaskakująco odporne okazało się środowisko drobnej szlachty, które niewiele różniło się od otoczenia, a jednak podkreślało tożsamość przez elementy kultury codziennej. Rodziny księży greckokatolickich dziedziczyły parafie i broniły tradycje „starej Rusi”. W społeczności żydowskiej uzasadniano tradycjonalizm tym, że lepiej skupić się na wyjeździe do ojczyzny, niż na angażowaniu się w sprawy galicyjskie. Chłopi również wykazywały odporność na zmiany. Bohaterka powieści „Małżeństwo mieszane”. Wojciecha Dzieduszyckiego, młoda dziewczyna, odczuwała upływ czasu na wsi jako niezmienny, w którym nic nie mogło się już wydarzyć. Fale modernizacji, pod których znakiem minął wiek XIX, dotknęły także prowincji galicyjskiej. Jedna zmiana powodowała inne. Kultura miejska, instytucje edukacyjne i naukowe, biurokracja i środowiska zawodowe stały się „miejscem spotkań” osób z zamkniętych grup społecznych. Niektóre zmiany, jak ustawy, zostały „narzucone” społecznościom lokalnym. Inne były wynikiem „modernizacji dramatycznej”. Jeszcze inne, jak zdobycie wykształcenia czy realizacja kobiety poza domem, były postrzegane jako wewnętrzna potrzeba. Unowocześnianie wspólnoty uświadamiano także poprzez związek między kulturą polityczną a życiem jednostki. Znaczącą rolę odgrywała konkurencja projektów narodowych. Intelektualiści i działacze publiczni zwracali uwagę na prowincję, starając się szerzyć swoje idee i mobilizować zwolenników. Jednak wiele osób postrzegało zmiany modernizacyjne nie tylko z nadzieją, ale i z obawami, bo zaburzały one zwykły rytm życia i pozbawiały poczucia tradycyjnej ochrony.

Mudryi Marian

Oddziaływanie wydarzeń Wiosny Ludów w Galicji na kształty tożsamości i pozycję społeczną osób gente Rutheni, natione Poloni

Do 1848 r. środowisko osób o podwójnej (dwuszczeblowej) rusko-polskiej tożsamości, nazwane później gente Rutheni, natione Poloni, nie miało własnej organizacji ani świadomości jej potrzeby. Historycy wyłapują tą odmianę tożsamości na podstawie fragmentarnych wypowiedzi i działań jednostek, które będąc Polakami uwidaczniały ruskie pochodzenie (etniczne lub z terenów Rusi). W latach 30. XIX w. świadomość gente–natione przejawiała się głównie wśród aktywnej społecznie młodzieży, która obmyślała klęskę powstania listopadowego i szukała sposobów na wykorzystanie ruskiej ludności do walki o odbudowę Rzeczypospolitej. Dla osób gente Rutheni, natione Poloni Wiosna Ludów stała się trudnym wyzwaniem, wymuszając konsolidację. Przejawem tego było stworzenie Soboru Ruskiego – organizacji politycznej, która działała od maja do października 1848 r. i stała się jedyną instytucją w dziejach Rusinów natione Poloni. Jej skład osobowy i działania pozwalają stwierdzić, że w 1848 r. rusko-polska tożsamość miała największe poparcie wśród przedstawicieli nowej inteligencji (publicystów, pisarzy, prawników), szukających dla siebie szanse życiowe, oraz wschodniogalicyjskiego ziemiaństwa, którego głównym zmartwieniem było utrzymanie pod kontrolą chłopów. Wydarzenia Wiosny Ludów ujawniły grupę Rusinów natione Poloni, zmusiły ją do publicznego odsłonięcia się, a jednocześnie przyspieszyły jej rozpad. Polityczna konkurencja okazała się dla Soboru Ruskiego ponad siły. Rewolucja bezprecedensowo podniosła znaczenie tożsamości narodowej: przekształciła ją z kwestii światopoglądowej w polityczną, wskazała na zależności pomiędzy tożsamością narodową a społeczną. Przenosząc ideał społeczny ze stosunkowo bezkonfliktowej przeszłości do nowego rozumienia narodu i walki narodowej, rewolucja szybko niszczyła podwójne tożsamości. Ona nie tylko stwierdziła wyższość narodowości nad pochodzeniem, ale również zmusiła mieszkańców Galicji do życia w jednej – polskiej lub ukraińskiej – przestrzeni narodowej.

Aliaksandr Smalianczuk

Obraz Polski i Polaków we współczesnej białoruskiej historiografii i ideologii

Na przełomie 1917–1918 roku polskie organizacje wschodniej części Białorusi wspierały białoruskich polityków i godziły się z tym, że kontury polityczne Białorusi powinny odpowiadać granicom etnograficznym. Jednak białoruscy socjaliści, którzy zdominowali ruch narodowy, zwracali większą uwagę na poglądy polskich narodowych demokratów i stanowisko Rady Regencyjnej, w którym zauważano pewne nastroje aneksjonistyczne. Ważną rolę w rozwoju stosunków polsko-białoruskich odegrał konflikt między bolszewikami a Korpusem Polskim gen. Józefa Dowbór-Musnickiego, z którym związane były liczne oskarżenia polskich żołnierzy i oficerów o przemoc i znęcanie się nad białoruskimi chłopami. Te gwałty wynikały z tego, że Korpus był zmuszony samodzielnie zaopatrywać się w żywność i paszę. Niemniej zagrożenie bolszewickie przyczyniło się do zbliżenia polsko-białoruskiego. Dobrym przykładem było utworzenie w Mińsku 20 lutego 1918 r. wspólnej wojskowej komendy, która reprezentowała Centralną Białoruską Radę Wojskową i jednostki polskie. Niemiecka okupacja Mińszczyzny skłoniła Białorusinów do bardziej aktywnych działań. 25 marca 1918 ogłoszono niepodległość Białoruskiej Republiki Ludowej. Elity miejscowej wspólnoty polskiej przychylnie odnosiły się do niepodległościowych aspiracji Białorusinów. Jednak próba rozegrania przez Białorusinów „karty niemieckiej” wywołała niezadowolenie. Tak, Polska Rada Ziemi Mińskiej w czerwcu 1918 odmówiła wysłania swoich przedstawicieli do Rady BRL. Sytuację na okupowanych ziemiach białoruskich determinowała polityka Berlina, który nie zamierzał uznać niepodległości Białorusi. Niemcy starały się nie naruszać warunków traktatu pokojowego z Rosją, podpisanego 3 marca 1918 r. w Brześciu. Niemiecka administracja okupacyjna podejmowała wiele wysiłków, aby zapobiec jedności różnych sił narodowych i politycznych na okupowanych ziemiach. To jej działania doprowadziły do dymisji „gabinetu” Romana Skirmunta w lipcu 1918 r., który był czy nie ostatnia próbą konsolidacji wszystkich sił politycznych wokół idei niepodległości. Z drugiej strony propaganda bolszewicka przekonywała, że za „gabinetem” Skirmunta stoi „polska intryga” i zamiar „panów polskich” odzyskania kontroli nad Białorusią. W październiku 1918 r. powstał rząd Antona Łuckewicza, który dołożył wszelkich starań, aby Europa i świat uznali niepodległość BRL. Główne nadzieje nadal były związane z Niemcami, a wiodącym białoruskim dyplomatą na „niemieckim odcinku” był Roman Skirmunt. Ale jednocześnie delegacje białoruskie zostały wysłane na Ukrainę, Litwę i Polskę. Jednak Rada BRL widocznie nie spodziewała się na Polskę, gdyż delegacji do Warszawy przewodniczył znany z antypolskich wypowiedzi Jazep Waronka. W listopadzie 1918 r. Roman Skirmunt próbował naprawić sytuację. On i Antony Albrecht Radziwiłł, jako przedstawiciele Rady BRL, spotkali się w Bernie z Konstantym Skirmuntem, który reprezentował Polski Komitet Narodowy Polski. Dopiero w tym momencie część białoruskiej elity politycznej po raz pierwszy zobaczyła w Warszawie sojusznika w walce o niepodległość. 29 listopada 1918 r. Mińsk zajęła Armia Czerwona. Delegacja BRL pozostała w Warszawie, dokąd przenieśli się także członkowi innych delegacji dyplomatycznych. Rząd wyjechał z Mińska do Wilna. Rozpoczęła się historia BRL na emigracji, która trwa do dziś.

Rimantas Miknys

Polski projekt narodowy w procesie odrodzenia narodu litewskiego

Nowy projekt reformy narodu polskiego (przede wszystkim Konstytucja 3 Maja), który powstał w epoce oświecenia oraz w końcu XVIII w., który pomógł Polakom przetrwać jako społeczeństwu, dla Polski jako państwa, jako wariantowi samodzielnej cywilizacji stał się jednym z podstawowych czynników, które inspirowały powstanie tego państwa – jego odrodzenie się. Ten projekt pomógł innym nowoczesnym narodom na ziemiach dawnej Rzeczypospolitej – Litwinom, Białorusinom, Ukraińcom w kształtowaniu się ich świadomości narodowej. W procesie powstania nowoczesnego narodu polskiego historiografia wyróżnia trzy fazy: 1) Faza porozbiorowa: romantyzm – na podstawie tradycji tożsamości szlacheckiej (1795-1863); 2) Faza redefinicji polskiego narodu politycznego w kierunku „trójjedynej” natury (1864-1889); 3) Faza rozkwitu nacjonalizmu (1890 -1918). Jaki wpływ w każdej fazie polski projekt narodowy miał w procesie kształtowanie się dla litewskiego nowoczesnego narodu? Pozytywny wpływ polskiego projektu narodowego, który zainspirował inne narody zauważalny jest w pierwszych dwóch fazach rozwoju nowoczesnego narodu. W pierwszej fazie najbardziej na wykrystalizowanie się interesów narodowo-kulturalnych tych społeczeństw ,a mianowicie na produkcję narodowo-kulturowych znaków rozpoznawczych (książek, prasy na tematy etnograficzne, folkloru, historii itp.) wpłynął romantyzm polski, romantyczna wersja narodu polskiego. Dla Litwinów bardzo ważna była idea państwowości Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów, na której oparty był projekt narodu polskiego aż do powstania styczniowego. Po powstaniu styczniowym, gdy zdominowała opcja narodu opartego o zasadę nacjonalistyczną oraz zwyciężyły siły polityczne, które organizowały swoją działalność w oparciu o nią, polski projekt narodowy staje się konkurencyjny wobec litewskiego. Napięcie wzrosło na pocz. XX wieku, gdy zostały sformułowane samodzielne cele polityczne litewskiego ruchu narodowego w stosunku do projektu polskiego. W okresie pierwszej wojny światowej to doprowadziło do otwartych starć Litwinów z Polakami.

Volodymyr Komar

Ukraińcy w ruchu prometejskim okresu międzywojennego

W okresie sulejówkowskim dzięki staraniom J. Piłsudskiego, R. Knolla, T. Hołówki і T. Schaetzla założono odstawy ruchu prometejskiego, skierowanego przeciwko ZSRR. Aktywnymi jego uczestnikami stali się Ukraińcy (petlurowcy) i inni emigranci z byłej carskiej Rosji. Dzięki staraniom T. Hołówki w 1926 r. powstał w Paryżu Klub „Prometeusz”. 1 lutego 1927 r. na terenie Polski rozpoczął działalność Sztab Generalny Armii URL z gen. P. Szandrukiem na czele. W 1928 r. przewodnictwo nad ruchem prometejskim objął Klub „Prometeusz” w Warszawie, na czele zarządu którego stanął ukraiński profesor R. Smal-Stocki. Propagowaniem prometeizmu w Polsce zajmowała się Agencja Telegraficzna Express (ATE), którą założono w marcu 1925 r. w Warszawie. W 1929 r. zgodnie z rekomendacją T. Hołówki, przewodniczącym ATE wybrano Ukraińca M. Kowalewskiego. Poważną pracę propagandową na poziomie międzynarodowym prowadziła Agencja telegraficzna „Ofinor”, którą założono w 1927 r. w Rzymie. Pierwszym i niezmiennym jej przewodniczącym został ukraiński inżynier M. Jeremijew. Ważne miejsce w ruchu prometejskim zajmował Ukraiński Instytut Naukowy w Warszawie (UIN). Dyrektorem UIN został profesor A. Łotocki, a obowiązki sekretarza pełnił profesor R. Smal-Stocki. Ogromny wkład w sprawie prometejskiej włożyła „grupa BPU” W. Bączkowskiego. W redakcji BPU w Warszawie pracowali Ukraińcy J. Małaniuk і P. Wasyńczuk, а B. Łepki oraz I. Kedryn-Rudnicki aktywnie współpracowali z tym pismem. Tak więc, emigracja URL w okresie międzywojennym pozostawała wierną tradycjom „Sojuszu Piłsudski – Petlura 1920 r.”. Petlurowcy stali się aktywnymi uczestnikami ruchu prometejskiego pod przywództwem Polski i stali więc na czele większości organizacji prometejskich. Najbardziej aktywnymi przedstawicielami ruchu prometejskiego wśród Ukraińców byli – A. Liwicki, R. Smal-Stocki, W. Salski, P. Szandruk i in.

Jürgen Heyde

Tożsamość miejska w migranckiej społeczności: Kronika ormiańska w Kamieńcu Podolskim w XVI w.

Wykład przedstawia aspekty kroniki miejskiej z perspektywy grupy migranckiej – społeczności ormiańskiej w Kamieńcu Podolskim w XVI/XVII wieku na podstawie kronik ormiańskiej napisanej po części w literackim języku staroormiańskim, po części w obiegowym języku ormiański-kipczackim. Źródło to otwiera inną perspektywę na historię miasta i na tożsamość zamieszkujących nim grup ludności.

Roman Baron

Przemiany czeskiej świadomości narodowej na polskich Kresach. Przykład Galicji

W swym wystąpieniu chciałbym podjąć wątek na pozór być może marginalny z punktu widzenia badań tożsamości (w tej liczbie hybrydowych) na pograniczu kulturowym w Galicji. Aczkolwiek naszym zdaniem dokumentuje on zarówno ówczesne zróżnicowanie, czyli bogactwo wielokulturowości (a nie „tylko“ dwu-, trzy- czy nawet czterokulturowości) rozumianej jako miejscowej wielojęzyczności, wieloetniczności czy wielowyznaniowości tej części Europy, której nadano nazwę Galicja, Galizien, Hałyczyna, Galicje, czy np. Halič, jak też niewątpliwą jedność kulturową wynikającą z poprzedniego wielowiekowego rozwoju historycznego. Sądzę, że interesujące nas tutaj szczególnie zjawisko tożsamości hybrydowej, a zatem tożsamości niejednoznacznej czy ściślej niejednorodnej (podwójnej, między, mieszanej, zmieniającej się w czasie i/lub w przestrzeni itp.), jest trudno uchwytne, co nie oznacza jednak wcale, iż nie warto podejmować wysiłków na tym polu badań. Niniejsza próba w tym zakresie dotyczyć będzie szeroko rozumianej społeczności czeskiej w Galicji, tzn. osób wywodzących się z tego środowiska i formujących swą tożsamość w styczności z kulturą Galicji z autopsji – głównie poprzez podróże, wieloletnie zamieszkanie, urodzenie i wychowanie.

Congress Secretariat

Polskie Towarzystwo Historyczne Oddział w Krakowie ul. Gołębia 13 31-007 Kraków email: sekretariat.ivkongres@uj.edu.pl